5 comments about In Search of Churchill: A Historian's Journey.

1. I've been studying about Winston Churchill for more than 30 years. So much that has been written is repetitive or agenda driven, and sometimes I feel there isn't anything more to be said. Then I found this book by Martin Gilbert with insights into himself, Randolph Churchill and the many prominent people that knew Churchill intimately and as participants in his personal history. Churchill's influence on 20th century British history cannot be denied although many writers have tried to trivialize it or to demonize Sir Winston as a war monger.
   
   Gilbert makes clear that none of that is true, and for me one of the most telling quotes from his book describes the true nature of Mr. Churchill. "My search made clear that despite the image of Churchill as a man eager to resort to force, his main theme in each decade had been to try to settle international disputes by negotiation." (Chapter 6) Gilbert is able to back up this statement with original documentations and personal testimonies that lesser reseachers would have neither the talent nor the inclination to gather and formulate into a life's portrait of a great man.
   
   Frankly, this book has renewed my interest in all things Churchill, and I have purchased and am reading a recently issued book, "Troublesome Young Men," by Lynne Olson. Troublesome Young Men This book sets the stage for Churchill's rise to being a war tme Prime Minister and shows that he was not alone (albeit rather isolated) in understanding the nature of appeasement and the folly of negotiating with tyrants from a position of weakness. More importantly the book reinforces the fact that even when faced with enormous political pressures from those in power and a public that neither understands or just doesn't believe, that freedom is a concept that must be defended at all costs. We would do well to remember this lesson today post 9/11. Where (or better, who) are today's "Troublesome Young Men?"
   
   Anyone with an interest in Winston Churchill and the history of the mid-20th century, will gain a much better understanding of that history by reading how Martin Gilbert came to be Churchill's biography.



2. The life of Winston Churchill was so eventful and the available documents relating to his life so voluminous, that penning a complete and unabridged biography of Churchill is truly a lifetime task. So it has been for British historian Martin Gilbert, charged with the task of being Churchill?s official biographer. In this book, Gilbert recounts the events by which he came to become the most extensive living resource of Churchill knowledge and artifacts.

   Gilbert came to his task in a roundabout way. Fresh out of Oxford in the early sixties, the young historian concedes he knew comparatively little about Churchill as the great man was not a highly regarded figure among the Oxford academy at that time. Churchill?s son Randolph had been hired by a publishing house to write the multi volume official biography of his father. Gilbert was hired as one of several research assistants. Expecting to stay with Randolph only a short time, Gilbert ended up working with him for more than half a decade. In the first part of the book, Gilbert describes the experience of working with the mercurial and difficult Randolph in putting together the first volumes covering Churchill?s early life. On Randolph?s death in 1968, Gilbert was asked by the publisher to take over the project. Gilbert agreed to do so and a lifetime task was set before him. In ensuing chapters, Gilbert describes his frustrations and pleasures at the enormous amount of written materials by or about Churchill. Perhaps no other historical figure has such an extensive archive. As recounted by Gilbert, his explorations of Churchill?s letters and papers taught him much, not only about Churchill?s impact on British and world history but about Churchill?s character. Yet as Gilbert states, no historical figure can be brought to life merely on the basis of written documents. Fortunately for Gilbert, at the time he did much of his research, in the sixties, many of the people in Churchill?s life were still alive to be interviewed. This includes many of his secretaries, a number of military and political figures with whom he worked and his wife and children. From decades of research, Gilbert emerged with a compelling portrait of a truly great character. A man, not without his faults but still a great liberal, a great democrat, a great leader and a great family man. The book is filled with anecdotes and quotes from Churchill. As one example, Gilbert discovered a letter of response from Labour Prime Minister Ramsey McDonald praising Churchill for his kindness and friendship. Gilbert never found the original letter Churchill wrote to McDonald but wonders what it could have said to elicit such a response from a man Churchill had referred to in open Parliament as ?the boneless wonder?.

   Anyone who admirers Winston Churchill and Martin Gilbert must read this book. It is an absolute necessity to any Churchill library. Anyone who would like to learn a little about one of the 20th centuries truly great figures should read it as well.




3. Biographers spend years, and in this case decades, to bring their work, their subject to us. The manner their books came about is generally shared in their acknowledgement, or a section thanking those people and institutions that were instrumental in helping create the work. Sir Martin Gilbert is one of the great Historians of our time, and his main work as a historian is certainly a man that is truly unique, a historic original, a man who's peers can be counted on one hand.

   "In Search Of Churchill" allows the reader to get about as close as he can to the writing of a biography without actually being one of Sir Martin's assistants. His work documenting Churchill is about to cross into its fifth decade. Sir Martin began as an assistant to Sir Winston Spencer Churchill's Son Randolph in 1962. In 1968 he took the task on alone, and has carried it forth, and continues to do so to this day.

   Alone of course is the wrong word, while he certainly has written thousands of pages of what many consider the greatest biographical work ever done, hundreds of others living, and others through the papers they left behind, have helped Mr. Gilbert on this lifetime task. Churchill has not been the only subject of this great biographer which is yet another testimony to this historian.

   Churchill is a constant, he is quoted almost daily, his speeches are legendary, as are his quips, which were at times poked in fun, and at others ended the careers of their target. Mr. Gilbert works toward answering questions that may not have a definitive answer, but if there is an individual to put forth valid opinion, none are more qualified than he. Why is Churchill a figure of history that has not been relegated to the past's vague memory, why does he routinely appear on magazine covers in this Country and others on a yearly basis? What was it about this man that has spawned an International Churchill Society who counts thousands on Continents around the world as paying members? Why are their new books on this man written on a regular basis, and how many authors have their books in print a century after they were written. Great Author's works line the shelves, but writing was an avocation for this man in addition to his other talents.

   Mr. Gilbert brings you along to "meet" people who worked with Mr. Churchill. As his life spanned from the 1870's to the 1960's those who knew him are legion. He was Prime Minister twice, held nearly every major Government position, won the Nobel prize, painted, and held the fort for the Western Democracies until help finally came. If such a man had not lived so large and so long he would almost be more believable as legend and or myth rather than the Statesman, warrior, orator, and one of England's greatest citizens that he continues to be, in some cases in memory only. He did have a head start, as his Mother was American, and perhaps that makes us in the USA feel we can claim him as partly ours.

   The embassy in Washington D.C. has a statue of Churchill, in mid-stride he has one foot on American soil and one on the territory of the English Embassy. In life his influence, his determination, and sense of destiny spanned the Globe. Even in death he spans the 2 Countries he loved the most.

   His like will never be seen again.




4. If you enjoy biograhpies or Churchill, this is a book for you. Gilbert has come across some fascinating material in his pursuit of the great man. It is also interesting to see how exactly a biography is written. The book starts out focusing more on the author, but works its way into Churchill. Gilbert steps away from merely events in his life and through letters and those who knew him best, gets down to the inner man. The best part is a letter Churchill dictated when he was only a small boy where he predicts a great deal of his future. Gibert goes right to the heart of Churchill.



5. Churchill has always been somewhat of an enigma; undoubtedly a brilliant politician who, more than any other figure in contemporary 20th Century History, helped shape the lives of millions. Much has previously been made of disasters associated with his decisions both militarily and politically. Through Mr. Gilbert's brilliant research and analysis, however, many of these are shown to have been fabrications or nothing other than spurious lies. Through these pages you learn that he was the "scapegoat" for the Dardanelles debacle and that he was a far more compassionate and human individual than some would have us believe. His treatment of social issues, including organised labour, was before its time and he was certainly not the "heartless" war-monger so often portrayed in this revisionist era. Surely the greatest historical debate would be to pitch Mr. Gilbert against the most articulate revisionist, Mr David Irving: I have no doubt, having read this excellent book, that Gilbert would secure a knock-out in the first round.

4 comments about Tony Blair: Prime Minister.

1. Well five years after publication we find the subject of this book in serious political trouble with members of his own party asking for a date for his resignation. Nobody in the UK believes what he says any longer and his chancellor is waiting in the wings to take over. One star and forget it.



2. John Rentoul's biography of Tony Blair is a must read for those who want to understand him. The book is scholarly enough to use as a text in comparative politics. It also gives enough character development to understand who Blair is, how he was developed as a man and what Britain's youngest Prime Minister in the 20th century is like.
   
   The text certainly gives a clear view of "The Third Way" philosophy of Blair's tenure which eschews unfettered capitalism and old labor socialism. Rentoul also illuminates Blair's Christian moral beliefs without ignoring the character of a young rock musician.
   
   It is the best biography yet of Britain's most dynamic leader.



3. On 4-th of july 1964,Tony was woken by his mother in the morning and as soon as he heard the first words coming out from his mother - he knew that something wasn't right and he was right
   about that.
   Tony's father had a stroke and it wasn't sure whether he's gonna make it or not.
   This day was the day when Tony's childhood ended,a day when his political ambition began, a life which taught him the value of the family and real friends who walked with his family in the worst moments of their lives.

   Tony,a child of strict parents about manners :
   Was always polite,kind,helpful towards other people and he enjoyed the attention so much so when he is only 16 years old he formed a group named The Pseuds - to act.

   Soon, as a 'gifted guitarist' he starts meeting people of the same interest and talked about getting into the music world.
   He loved The Rolling Stones and they were going to be the next Led Zeppelin or Free (Tony's most favorite bands).
   So...the band "Ugly Rumours" is formed and THE LEAD SINGER-with
   a fantastic voice is someone such as : the future prime minister of Great Britain - TONY BLAIR.

   ...John Rentoul's biography of Tony Blair-(was made to read easy as novel, even though it was Tony's life to make that possible). It is a well-researched book and tells just about everything you'd want to know about Tony Blair.




4. With the advent of what may become the second Gulf War, Tony Blair-Prime Minister is a comprehensive biography of the leader of America's closest ally. Prime Minister Tony Blair is an unlikely choice to be the foreign leader closest to President George W. Bush. British Journalist, John Rentoul has written about the rise and times of Tony Blair from his roots in a middle class British family to that of a rising socialist politician who became leader of the "New" Labor Party and Prime Minister of Great Britian.

   Rentoul traces Blair's family and their political leanings. Blair's father Leo Blair was born to a pair of actors and given to a James and Mary Blair in Glasgow. Leo Blair as a teenager was a member of the Scottish Young Communist League and had ambitions to become a Communist Member of Parliment. However, after service in World War II as a member of the Royal Signal Corps, Leo Blair underwent a political conversion. Upon leaving the military he became a member of the Conservative Party. Leo Blair married Blair's mother Hazel from a strongly Protestant family from County Donegal while working at the Ministry of National Insurance in Glasgow. Leo Blair studied law eventually becoming a lecturer in Administrative Law at the University of Adelaide in Australia and eventually the University of Durham in Durham. Leo Blair eventually became a practicing barrister and active in the local Conservative Party.
   Tony Blair was the second of three children. He is described as being the child most like his father Leo.

   In the opening chapter of the book it states "Tony Blair's political ambition began at age of eleven, when his father Leo's ended, on 4 July 1964. At the age of forty, at the height of his political powers and looking for a Conservative parlimentary seat, Leo Blair had a stroke."

   However, the book indicates that many of Blair's acquaintances during his school and law school years were suprised when he decided to become active in politics. Blair was not a member of any political clubs while in school or in-between. Blair had been a singer and manager of a rock n roll band "The Ugly Rumors", had long hair and a van. Unlike his American political counter parts, he never experimented with drugs, smoked marijuana or was seen drunk. In response to the question of whether he ever smoked marijuana, he said no, but if he had "he would have inhaled" in a jab at his friend President Bill Clinton.
   One of the suprising discoveries found in the book about Tony Blair is his Christian Socialism. Unlike many American politicians not much mention has been made of the fact he has been a confirmed Christian since his Oxford days. Moreover, he is the only British Prime Minister since Gladstone known to regularly read the Bible.
   Tony Blair and his wife Cherie Blair are as political a couple as the Clintons. Both have worked in local politics and both have run for seats in Parliment. When Blair ran his first successful race for his current seat from the Sedgefield Riding, Cherie was seeking a seat in a "marginal" Labor district or riding. However, after Blair won his first election, Cherie decided to forego elective office as one politician was enough in the family. Since Blair's election in Parliment in 1983, the Blairs have had three children and Cherie has continued her career as a successful barrister.
   Over half the book covers Blair's career as leader of the Labor Party and Prime Minister. When he became Prime Minister at age 42, only tweleve years in Parliment, he became the youngest Prime Minister since Lord Liverpool who became Prime Minister in 1812.
   The book is well documented with footnotes after every chapter. Because of its "scholarliness" it may tend to drag at times in the chapters which deal with his years as Prime Minister from May 2, 1997 through the time the book was written in January 2001. As such it chronicles in detail Tony Blair's first term.
   In it, the achievements of the first term include the Balkans, Northern Ireland,as well as helping provide a better standard of living for all of Britian.
   Blair is described as a "hands-on" Prime Minister, informal but energized and possibly hyper-working on the phone from planes, on vacation and on the weekend.
   With as much detail provided of all aspects of Blair's life, TONY BLAIR-Prime Minister gives the reader and the world great insight into Blair's actions now in his second term as Prime Minister.

5 comments about Churchill and America.

1. The actual content was very interesting; but there were some problems with the CD's; there were two substantial bad sections.



2. This is a brilliant book!
   
   I love well-written history, especially about Winston Churchill, one of history's great and truly interesting figures.
   
   In "Churchill and America" Martin Gilbert, Churchill's official biographer, proves himself, once again, a tremendously talented historian and writer. He describes Churchill and the British leader's love affair with America with passion and skill. He highlights Churchill's American roots (his mother was American) and his growing affection with the United States over the course of a life time.
   
   No interesting detail is overlooked. George Washington was part of Churchill's family pedigree. Three of his ancestors fought against the British in the American Revolution. And Churchill himself was an honorary American citizen, an honor of which he was immensely proud.
   
   Churchill first visited the United States in 1895, when he was twenty-one. "What an extraordinary people the Americans are!" he wrote to his mother. During both the First and Second World Wars he worked closely and effectively with his American counterparts to defeat Germany. His love and understanding of the United States and its people helped to ensure that the Allies emerged victorious, especially in WWII. His close relationship with FDR was seminal to that victory. He sought to ensure that Great Britain and America remained friends forever and cautioned his colleagues upon his retirement as Prime Minister: "Never be separated from the Americans."



3. I am an avid reader of history. Martin Gilbert is an excellent writer who is the preeminent Churchill historian. As with all Gilbert books on Churchill, he adds new details to an extraordinary life for us normal folk. Churchill loved America and was anxious to see the US enter WWII for obvious reasons. Gilbert goes far beyond that period in this excellent history of Churchill. I recommend this book to anyone who loves history and enjoys the history of Churchill.



4. I don't think it would be possible for Sir Martin to write other than a superb book about Churchill if he tried. And this latest volume is no exception. The only thing better than reading it is to hear the author, as I did recently at the National Archives, speak about the book and take questions. One of the most remarkable things about Gilbert is that despite the fact he has written so extensively on WC, he still manages to add something new or a novel perspective.
   
   I think if a single theme dominates the book, it is that WC fought a life-long battle against British anti-Americanism. In the mid-1930's, WC began using the expression "English-speaking Peoples," which was another device to build unity between the two countries. I had assumed the book would begin with WWI, but I was very wrong in that regard. Rather, Gilbert begins by looking at WC's parents, and particularly the American connections of his mother, Jenny Jerome. WC makes his first visit to America in 1895. Each visit thereafter (some 17 or so) is discussed, and an important bonus feature is an appendix containing maps of WC's various U.S. travels.
   
   But the book is about far more than visits. It is about the manifold way WC interacted with Americans over nearly 70 years, sometimes to his benefit, other times resulting in frustration. For example, WC always maintained that the U.S. refusal to enter the League of Nations played a major role in the rise of Nazism and the need to fight a second great war. There were also constant negotiations during and after both wars relative to British debt and the means of repayment. Gilbert is particularly effective in discussing the 1930's period when the European war was about to commence and how WC interacted with FDR in trying to secure necessary materials and induce the U.S. to join in the battle. The discussion of the "special link" between FDR and WC is acutely perceptive and much attention is devoted to it. A relationship full of affection and joint success, but also marred by fundamental disagreements, such as the priority of the cross-Channel invasion and whether Ike should race to beat the Russians to Berlin.
   
   The points of increasing stress between WC and the U.S. are interesting to say the least. Among the most pressing issues were: (a) how to treat Stalin; (b) intervening in Greece; (c) the puzzle of Poland; and (d) the priority of taking Prague. Always, there are disputes about the enormous wartime and postwar British debt and whether the Americans were trying to "skin" the Brits. There is no doubt that Churchill paid a steep price at home for his heavy reliance upon the "special relationship," and he also exasperated subsequent presidents Truman and Ike. Nonetheless, this is almost a love story--Churchill and his dedication to Anglo-American interests and dominance.



5. Not a book for the person seeking to investigate the sweep of Winston Churchill's grand and worthy life. Instead, it is a plodding factual history of almost every aspect of his interaction with the United States. Sir Martin does not provide much in the way of interpretation nor does he very often cite the views of others towards Mr. Churchill's pro-American policies; almost all is mined directly from the written articles, letters, cables, or speeches of Winston Churchill.
   
   If he ever mentioned America, it is likely in this book. I can not imagine people from other countries enjoying this particular effort. And, I think a great many here will find this book, with its repetitious statements of the vital need for a close relationship between the two countries, deadening after a full reading.

2 comments about The Character And Greatness Of Winston Churchill: Hero In A Time Of Crisis.

1. This could have been a very interesting book; however, in order to truly examine how Churchill's faith and worldview made him a great leader, Mansfield would have risked disproving his primary "black and white" thesis: Winston Churchill was a great leader because he was a Christian... or at least "Christian" as defined by Mansfield's largely conservative, evangelical American audience. However, much of this audience would likely have major issues with Churchill's Freemasonry and later Druidic involvement, or in Churchill's belief in and reliance upon oratory-which included evoking British mythology-to rally the undermanned and underarmed British and hold the Germans at bay until more substantive military assistance arrived. In some Christian circles, particularly those up in arms over the Harry Potter books that draw upon much of the same British mythology Churchill did, this might be considered borderline sorcery. As the Nobel committee noted when awarding him the 1953 prize for literature (not peace), "His every word is half a deed."
   
   Going to the other untenable extreme as conspiracy theorists across the `Net have done, claiming that Churchill's involvement with the Freemasons (like FDR's) and Druids proves that he is just as Satanic as Hitler, is certainly not an academic nor intellectually honest alternative; however, glossing over and outright avoiding relevant facts and sketching Churchill as a two-dimensional "Christian" hero any good card-holding Christian Reconstructionist could proudly hold up as a Christian leadership paradigm does nothing more than cast this complex man (who apparently had a more complex, idiosyncratic, and potentially problematic faith and worldview than Mansfield lets on) as a modern-day King Arthur. However, given Churchill's love of and belief in the power of myth, particularly English myth, perhaps Mansfield's speaking the Myth of Churchill into existence is perfectly appropriate in Churchillian terms. If this were truly Mansfield's motive, the book might have been more accurately titled, The Greatness and Power of the Churchillian Myth. [...]
   Structurally, Mansfield's brief case-study examination of Churchill as leader bears a passing similarity to how Howard Gardner examined the various internal/cognitive and external influences that create and shape leaders in Leading Minds: An Anatomy of Leadership (even though I personally thought Gardner did a better job of applying Mihalyi Cszikszentmihalyi's theories in an earlier book, Creating Minds). Based on a passing reference to Gardner's multiple intelligence theories in one of his other books, The Faith of George W. Bush, I wonder if Mansfield's treatment of Churchill isn't at least somewhat inspired by Gardner's work. However, reading this glossed-over, thesis-driven "study" just made me wish that Gardner had conducted this case study of Churchill in the first place.



2. To his credit, Stephen Mansfield illustrates the decisive importance of religious faith in the life of Winston Churchill since his encounter with his influential nanny, Mrs. Elizabeth Everest (pg. 41, 50, 192). The vision of death that Churchill experienced when he was a teenager could also have fortified his faith (pg. 212). Too often, Churchill's faith is downplayed in the abundant literature available about his words and deeds (pg. 34, 221-227). Churchill was a strong-willed nonconformist who rarely chose the well-worn path for which he sometimes paid a heavy price in his life as Mansfield correctly states (pg. 43, 99-100, 203-206). Randolph Churchill, his emotionally distant father, had no much faith in his son until his premature death in 1895 (pg. 160). Randolph Churchill thought that Winston was just good for a military career, not clever enough to go to the bar (pg. 47, 96-97).
   
   During his military service in India, Churchill realized that he had huge gaps in his learning in contact with men of his own age who benefited from both breadth of knowledge and ease of discourse. Driven by curiosity and ambition, Churchill embarked on a demanding program of readings on his weakest subjects. This eager pursuit of knowledge was a turning point in Churchill's life (pg. 54, 99-102, 161-162). It marked the end of youth and progressively revealed Churchill's emergence as an exceptional man (pg. 101).
   
   Churchill probably best summarizes his life's philosophy in a three-tier question and answer in Savrola, his only novel:
   
   1) Would you rise in the world? You must work while others amuse themselves (pg. 57, 131). To merely exist was no better than death (pg. 134). Churchill's high talent and amazing energy were both praised and criticized (pg. 69-70, 85-86, 120, 129, 178, 188-190). Churchill could not stand the routine and the tedious. He was never idle. History transfixed Churchill and fed his vision of the world (pg. 70, 108, 139-141, 144-145, 209). Churchill deeply believed in action; he had a goal, a plan and an iron will to get things done (pg. 109-110). Churchill possessed an almost mystical knowledge in knowing the facts and seeing them as they were, as a critical step towards ultimate triumph (pg. 144). As Mansfield correctly points out, Churchill's weapons were his words, passionate words loaded with faith and vision (pg. 84, 147-150, 174, 179).
   
   2) Are you desirous of a reputation for courage? You must risk your life (pg. 57). Churchill had little regard for his personal safety, was not concerned with criticism where his principles were involved, and regularly stood firm before the most determined opposition (pg. 77, 79, 82, 120, 123-126, 130, 195-198). Churchill, however, was open to genuine self-criticism (pg. 155-158, 160). Unsurprisingly, Churchill was perceived as a political opportunist, a maverick without deep loyalty to any political party as he switched back and forth between Conservatives and Liberals between 1904 and 1924 (pg. 66). Furthermore, Churchill regularly flirted with death first during his military career and then in politics (pg. 57, 104-106). Yet behind the public persona that radiated an aura of power and confidence, Churchill could sink in periods of depression that reminded him of his weaknesses (pg. 155-156, 171, 213). Churchill acknowledged that without the help of the Almighty, he could have never succeeded (pg. 64, 72, 84-85, 115-117, 152-153).
   
   3) Would you be strong morally or physically? You must resist temptations (pg. 57, 132, 161). Churchill only asked of others what he required of himself (pg. 57, 106). Churchill never gave in except to convictions of honor and good sense (pg. 151). Churchill was not ashamed to show his emotions and compassionate nature (pg. 163, 172, 184). Churchill's happy marriage to Clementine Hozier is a testimony of their faith in each other, despite the many differences existing between them (pg. 119-122, 135-138). Churchill and his wife had to show much fortitude when dealing with the troubles of three of their four children (pg. 138, 153-154).
   
   Churchill's character was forged in adversity. Churchill often learned the hard way. This rich experience he gained progressively turned him into a towering presence that could see farther than most people did. Churchill's enduring faith in both his destiny and the future of mankind was the ultimate driving force behind his greatness.

3 comments about Churchill: The Unruly Giant.

1. This book is an easy to read competant one-volume biography of Churchill. Neither as detailed or as erudite as Manchester's (The Last Lion: Winston Spencer Churchill, Alone 1932-1940), but Manchester never finished his. It is also not as exhaustive as Mr. Gilbert's, but that is ok because Churchill deserves an accesible one volume biography. He was a legend in his own time several times over. In India, the Boer War, Cuba and then in the government in the First World War he became deeply interested in non-conventional assaults on the Central Powers through such places as Gallipoli. After the war he was instrumental in the intervention against Bolshevism and in the creation of Iraq and the support of the British Mandate in Palestine. But then he fell fromf avor over India and his support of the King. He was 'alone' in the 1930s and derided as a war-monger because he dared to warn of the coming war. Brought in in 1939 and 1940 by the government as a last gasp with many feeling that he would be left to sue for peace he instead delivered victory. Dropped in 1945 he returned one last time and helped warn the world of the danger of Communism.
   
   This is a nice biography and a fair one as well, not hagiographic.
   
   Seth J. Frantzman



2. Rose does a good job of providing a one volume biography of Churchill. However, it was obvious to me that he was neither as familiar with Churchill as Martin Gilbert nor as talented a writer as Manchester. His strength is in his objectivity which yields a fair view of the giant.



3. I am a great fan of Churchill and am always expanding my collection of books about and by the great man. I purchased this book shortly after its publication. I was impressed by Rose's crisp narrative and ability to describe the salient points of Churchill's life. He is able to do this in one volume - not easy to do when the offical biography runs 8 volumes! The only negative about this work is the length to which Rose goes to remain as impartial as possible. I say this is a negative because oftentimes there is much enjoyment to be gotten by reading a book about Churchill where the author's bias is clear. (Since most Churchill biographies are written by obvious admirers - like the yet incomplete William Manchester series; or evident detractors like Charmley.) This work is, sometimes painfully, without bias. This attribute makes "Churchill: The Unruly Giant" a fine introductory work for any reader wanting to learn more about Churchill; and form their own opinion on the greatest man of the 20th Century.

1 comments about Churchill (Profiles in Power Series).

1. By most reasonable standards, Sir Winston Churchill was one of the great leaders of the Twentieth Century - - if not the greatest.
   
   Robbins portrays him as the ultimate conniving and opportunist whose only persistent idea was to 'Defeat Germany.'
   
   As Robbins writes, "Indeed, Churchill had to admit that he very rarely detected genuine emotion in himself and normally lacked 'a keen sense of necessity or of burning wrong or injustice' such as would make him 'sincere'. It could be, therefore, that politics was an activity without values."
   
   During World War I, Prime Minister Lloyd George wrote of Churchill and the ill-fated Gallipoli campaign, "When the war came he saw in it the chance for glory for himself and has accordingly entered on a risky campaign without caring a straw for the misery and hardship it would bring to thousands, in the hope that he would prove to be the outstanding man in this war."
   
   In retrospect, looking back for a hundred years, is such an attitude better or worse than the burning ideologi8cal certainty of leaders such as Lenin, Stalin, Hitler, Mussolini, Mao Tse Tung, Hidekei Tojo and others who fanatically tried to inflict their beliefs on the world?
   
   Maybe the opportunist, always trying to satisfy the latest wishes and whims of "the people", is the ideal leader for a democractic world.
   
   Consider, for example, the impact of true believers such as the neo-cons of the Bush administrataion compared to the relaxed opportunism of the Clinton years.
   
   As for Lloyd George, Prime Minister of Britain during World War I, he had no shame in sending hundreds of thousands of young British men to their deaths under the command of hopelessly inept but properly aristocratic generals in the trenches of Europe. Churchill at least tried an end run at Gallipoli, instead of constantly trying to bully through the middle in futile power plays.
   
   Churchill may have blundered at Gallipoli; but, it's more likely the blunders were due to obstruction by Lord Kitchener and Sir John Fisher. Faced with a new idea, they doomed this innovative maneuver. Instead, their always seemed to favour the "glory" of a spirited rush by a mass of determined men to overwhelm defenders with machine guns.
   
   Granted, Gallipoli wasn't Churchill's only blunder. He erred as badly in the spring of 1940 in assuming Norway could not be conquered, due to the presence of the Royal Navy in Scapa Flow. So, instead of invading by ship, the Germans used airplanes. The Royal Navy beat a hasty retreat, just as at Gallipoli.
   
   A few weeks later, Churchill became Prime Minister.
   
   Clearly, he was an opportunist - - always willing to respond to most of the people most of the time on most issues. It seems, right or otherwise, that's what democracy is all about. It's not the ideological purity and ansolute certainty of being always right all of the time on all issues; it's responding to the people, and having the courage to admit and correct mistakes when they occur.
   
   Because, mistakes will occur. The true test of good government is not the mistakes, it is how they are corrected. This Churchill knew how to accomplish. The last century, like the dynasty of father-and-son Bush presidency, shows the perils of dynasties, ideologues and incompetents who cling to power.
   
   Churchill, as Robbins makes clear, appreciated the British ability "to manage political change in such a way that bright stars who shone under one dispensation could continue to do so in very different political circumstances."
   
   Sometimes, Churchill didn't shine very brightly. But, as Robbins eloquently portrays, he shone very brightly when a guiding light was most needed.

No comments about Winston Churchill in the Mirror: His Life in Picture and Story.

1 comments about Gladstone 1809-1874 (Oxford Lives).

1. William Ewart Gladstone is one of the giants of nineteenth century British politics. First elected to House of Commons in 1832, he went on to serve in a number of offices, most notably as prime minister for an unprecedented four times over a 26-year period. The leader of the Liberals, he left an indelible stamp on the party which spent a generation emerging from underneath his long shadow.
   
   There are few more qualified to study Gladstone's life than H. C. G. Matthew. An accomplished historian, he was co-editor of the third and fourth volumes of the published edition of Gladstone's diaries and lead editor for the remainder of the series. This project forms the basis of his book; taken from the introductions to the third through the eight volumes of the series (with two original chapters added to cover Gladstone's early years), they offer a penetrating examination into the man in the context of his times.
   
   Born in Liverpool in 1809, Gladstone was the fifth child in an Evangelical household. The son of a wealthy merchant, he attended Eton and Oxford, where he excelled academically. Matthew details Gladstone's intellectual and social development during this period, examining both his studies and the circle of friends he had in school. It was the father of one of these friends, the Duke of Newcastle, who offered Gladstone a seat in Parliament from a pocket borough, thus launching the young man on the political career he sought.
   
   Matthew notes that at the start of his career Gladstone was a Tory and a staunch opponent of many of the reform measures being introduced by the Whig governments of the era. Yet while deemed by many to be "the Tories' best hope" for the future, Gladstone's politics were still evolving. Matthew sees the decade from 1841 to 1851 as the crucial period of Gladstone's political development, as he broke from the Conservatives on the issue of free trade and completed his separation with his attack on Disraeli's budget in 1852. Yet as Matthew shows, the decade that followed proved to be the most personally complex period of Gladstone's career. Like most Peelites, Gladstone had no great attachment to the Liberals; in fact, throughout the 1850s his personal inclinations continued to lay more with the Conservatives than with Palmerston. Cooperation ultimately foundered on the social implications of Gladstone's taxing schemes and Disraeli's presence - in the end, Matthew states, Gladstone became a Liberal by process of elimination.
   
   At the same time as he was building his political career Gladstone was also starting a family, marrying Catherine Glynne in 1839 and presiding over a steadily growing household. Matthew provides an insightful examination of Gladstone's private life, particularly with regards to his faith. Embracing Tractarianism after Oxford, he was usually in attendance at church on a daily basis and in many of his writings he attempted to reconcile Christianity to modern civilization. His faith also found expression in an unusual form in his "rescue work" with London prostitutes. Matthew's analysis of this aspect of Gladstone's life is one of the most sophisticated in the book, interpreting his involvement as motivated in part by Gladstone's acknowledgement of (...) the need to confront and overcome temptation - a process that sometimes included self-scourging. In spite of the appearance of this work, though, Matthew concludes that Gladstone ultimately remained within contemporary social conventions and was never unfaithful to his wife.
   
   In 1852 Gladstone joined the Aberdeen coalition as Chancellor of the Exchequer, serving in that office - with a four-year gap between 1855 and 1859 - until July 1866. Matthew considers this the most successful ministerial period of Gladstone's career, as well as the most satisfying on a personal level. Embracing the Liberal ethos of limited government, Gladstone strove throughout his tenure to reduce its role in the economy by minimizing expenditures and shifting finances from tariffs towards a mixture of direct and indirect taxes. Matthew's account of such an intricate and inherently dull subject is excellent, clear in its analysis and straightforward in its explanation of how these policies fit into Gladstone's vision of government and society. This period also saw Gladstone's emergence as a national politician, the unquestioned heir to the Liberal leadership after Palmerston's death in 1865 and Lord John Russell's retirement in 1867.
   
   The final three chapters cover Gladstone during his first ministry. In the aftermath of the 1868 election the administration existed on a foundation of sand. Lacking a counterpart to John Gorst, the Liberals failed to build a party organization in the country, as Gladstone relied on his considerable political skills to maintain his government. Here Matthew concentrates on the issues the prime minister dealt with himself; the broader achievements of his administration, in such areas as education and army reform, are addressed in passing, as Matthew focuses on foreign policy and Gladstone's "mission" to pacify Ireland by addressing discontent over religion, land, and education. The failure of the Irish Universities Bill in March 1873 prompted the resignation of the cabinet; Disraeli's refusal to form a Conservative government forced its return, exhausted and fatally weakened by scandal. When Gladstone decided on dissolution the next year, the result was a Conservative victory and his retirement from politics. Though two more decades remained in political career, at this point he had already left a considerable legacy, one that Matthew has analyzed with an ability and expertise that is unlikely to be bettered.

1 comments about Gladstone: 1875-1898.

1. As the dominant Liberal politician of the nineteenth century, William Gladstone is one of the most important figures in the history of Victorian Britain. His diaries constitute an essential source of information about his life and times, and their publication under the editorship of Colin Matthew, was one of the great historical publishing projects of recent times. This book, a follow-up to Matthew's Gladstone, 1809-1874, collects the introductory essays from the volumes of these diaries; together, they provide considerable insight into the later life and career of the most remarkable politician of Victorian England.
   
   In 1875 Gladstone was a fit 65 years old. Though he had announced his retirement the year before, this meant retirement from politics (which he always saw as a second-order activity), as he devoted himself to a number of theological and ecclesiastical debates. He remained an elemental force in politics, however, and his anger with the massacre of Bulgarian Christians by their Ottoman rulers precipitated his return to the political arena. The result was the famous Midlothian campaign, which Matthew defines as one of the great set-pieces in the history of Victorian Britain.
   
   Matthew argues that Gladstone's return to politics was defined by his earlier retirement. The Midlothian Campaign set the stage for his political activity after 1875, which took the form of "campaigns" inspired by unusual crises and special causes. As a result he discovered the politically abnormal issues and orchestrated politics around them - in effect, as Matthew puts it, giving politics a millenarian tone. Gladstone's campaign for the seat was also notable, though, for the introduction of a new type of political communication - the stump speech. This was a product of the changes that Victorian Britain was undergoing, a result of the expansion of the electorate and the emergence of the popular press - for, as Matthew notes, Gladstone's audience wasn't the listeners but the readers of the newspapers which carried his speeches.
   
   Gladstone's success was reflected in the returns from the general election of 1880, which not only saw him triumphant in Midlothian but the return of the Liberals to government as well. Matthew's account of Gladstone's second administration comprises a quarter of the book, and focuses on the main areas of the prime minister's concern. The first was in foreign affairs, where Gladstone was most committed to restoring right conduct after the excesses of "Beaconsfieldism." Here Matthew sees the prime minister as prescient in his concern about imperial "overstretch," recognizing the importance of the economy in defining Britain's strength and worrying about the burden the empire was placing upon it. Yet the occupation of Egypt in 1882 was a measure far more expansionistic than anything undertaken by Disraeli's government, though Matthew notes that Gladstone considered this intervention much more justified than those of the previous administration. Domestically, Gladstone's government was more successful, particularly with parliamentary reform, which Matthew considers the great legislative triumph of the administration.
   
   Yet it was Ireland that ultimately occupied most of Gladstone's attention, becoming the issue that would dominate the remainder of his political career. Upon returning to office in 1880, his government faced rising tension in Ireland over the issue of land, tension embodied in the rise of the Land League. In response, Gladstone wanted to readjust social and financial relationships without an expensive scheme of land purchase. This meant maintaining the predominantly Protestant landowning class, which he believed was the key to keeping order when in fact the opposite was increasingly the case. By preserving the landowners, land agitation grew, which led to more coercion, which in turn led to the demise of Liberalism in Ireland and the growth of the Home Rule movement.
   
   Faced with this problem, the prime minister eventually embraced Home Rule as the solution. Here Matthew charts Gladstone's intellectual construction of his approach towards Home Rule, noting that his conversion to the issue was by gradual evolution rather than sudden change. The key to this process was recognition of the new pluralism in the region and containing it within parliamentary absolutism - a process rooted in the assumption that the Home Rulers were willing to operate within the constitutional sphere. Yet while Gladstone courted the Home Rulers, his assumption that the Liberals would rally behind the measure - which was in line with his traditional "big bill" approach towards handling his party in the House of Commons - proved disastrously incorrect, splitting the party and setting the stage for the Conservative victory in the election of 1886. Though acknowledging the rejection of Gladstone's proposal, Matthew argues that it provided the framework for discussing constitutional revision of the United Kingdom for the century that followed.
   
   While an elderly figure after his defeat in 1885-6, Gladstone retained much of his vigor. Unlike the aftermath of the Liberal defeat in 1874, Gladstone was committed to winning another election in order to form another government which would successfully pass Home Rule. Apart from some initial approaches to Parnell (an overture that was thwarted by the sensational O'Shea divorce case), however, Matthew argues that Gladstone did little to formulate a party consensus on the particulars of a new Home Rule Bill prior to taking office once more as Prime Minister after the weak Liberal victory in the 1892 election. The legislation which emerged was more limited than its predecessor, and though passed by the Commons it was defeated in the Lords, thus frustrating Gladstone's last great legislative measure. With his age increasingly beginning to tell, Gladstone retired in 1894, dying four years later.
   
   Few books can equal this volume in its perceptiveness about Gladstone's later years. A winner of the prestigious Wolfson History Prize when it was first published, it is nessesary and rewarding reading for anybody seeking to understand the life and career of one of the most important figures in modern British history.

No comments about Churchill's Grand Alliance: The Anglo-American Special Relationship 1940-57.