3 comments about Lincoln and Black Freedom: A Study in Presidential Leadership.

1. This is yet another book written by a quality historian, one that provides a wealth of information but sadly is a sluggish read. I was especially interested in Lincoln's handling of Reconstruction in Louisiana, which takes up a good portion of the book. This is a critical issue since it was the only opportunity we have to see how Lincoln might have handled the other states had he lived. While Louisiana is a complex topic, Cox makes it downright turgid. Too often I finished reading a page only to realize that I could not recall what I had just read and had to reread it. The issue here is not knowledge or sources - she had plenty of those - but of writing skill. Syntax is academic, not the living, breathing prose that can make a complicated subject readily understandable and interesting to boot. She is definitely from the I-like-Lincoln school but gives in depth analysis as to why she feels that way, unlike the Lincoln-hating DiLorenzo types who seldom dip their heads underwater to see how much iceberg hides below. Put this book on your shelf for reference, particularly for the topic of Louisiana Reconstruction. But a great read it is not.



2. The title of LaWanda Cox's Lincoln and Black Freedom may be somewhat misleading. At first glance, the reader may assume that this book is simply a hybrid of two familiar animals in postbellum literature-a biography of Abraham Lincoln and a survey of African-American efforts to better their condition. Yet while the actions and attitudes of Lincoln may be the primary subject of the work, most of the book focuses on the deeds of lesser men in relation and response to his efforts in reconstructing Louisiana. While the efforts of black Americans themselves are all but entirely missing, this is still a great book that succeeds in its mission to reexamine the actions and intentions of Lincoln and reflect on what might have been had he lived.

   Cox begins her study with an investigation of Lincoln's own personal beliefs about emancipation, black suffrage, equal rights, and the creation a biracial society. Despite some historians who had recently questioned his dedication to abolition and egalitarianism, Cox convincingly portrays Lincoln as equally committed to the Radicals' goals while transcending their limited ability to understand that politics is "the art of the possible."

   While regional politicians such as Thaddeus Stevens had the luxury of being able to unequivocally condemn the South and her peculiar institution, Lincoln knew that his obligation as President required a message of conciliation, leading rather than pushing towards egalitarian goals that could be reasonably achieved as the opportunity presented itself and in a manner consistent with legal and political norms.

   Lincoln was passionately and publicly opposed to slavery. But he was equally concerned with the preservation of the union and adhering to the Constitution. Cox's many assertions that Lincoln was cautious in his maneuvering while consistent in his beliefs are backed by scores of examples taken from Lincoln's own words of instruction. These words, of necessity, may have been privately conveyed, but they were no less uncompromising in their message that the Union must be preserved while slavery must be destroyed.

   One of many examples Cox employs to illustrate this point is the action of James McKaye, Lincoln's liaison to the Freedman's Inquiry Commission. The group outlined a plan for dealing with former slaves that would later serve as the model for "Radical Reconstruction" based on citizenship, suffrage, and landownership. Even amongst radicals of the day such as Charles Sumner, McKaye was the most progressive member. Although Lincoln did not lead the group or outline their objectives, Cox reminds the reader that it would be atypical of Lincoln to allow a subordinate such as McKaye to act without first consulting the President.

   The core of LaWanda Cox's work is a review and reinterpretation of Lincoln's attempt at Reconstruction in Louisiana prior to his death in 1865. Because Lincoln did not view the Presidency as a endowment to act upon his own beliefs-a view that is reinforced by his moderation in forming executive policies while pressing local officials to be more progressive, such examples as the Louisiana "experiment" may serve as the best model for understanding Lincoln's true intentions for Reconstruction as well as his personal beliefs about black freedom.

   Cox joins most historians in acknowledging that Lincoln's first priority in the struggle to reconstruct former rebel states was to aid the Union cause. The Ten Percent Plan was intended to quickly create a "rallying point" for southern loyalists while delivering the Confederacy an important psychological defeat. But Cox examines in great detail the behind the scenes actions of President Lincoln in assuring that the Louisiana government abolish slavery, and if possible, enfranchise black males with the right to vote.

   Lincoln was concerned about the permanent legal status of persons emancipated under a wartime proclamation. He knew that the only guarantee against a reverse of the freedman's status was for the states themselves to abolish slavery in their constitutions. He ordered his military governor, Nathaniel Banks, to quickly hold elections and create such a constitution. Lincoln was sure that the Republican Congress would surely ratify such a document, setting a precedent for readmission that would require permanent emancipation before the elections of 1864 would give the Democrats the opportunity to interfere.

   The resulting elections and constitutional convention did result in a relatively progressive government in Louisiana by February 1864. In fact, the new constitution not only outlawed slavery but also included equality before the law. Its framers were open to gradual black suffrage. As Cox illustrates, Lincoln used his powers of influence and patronage to prod the fledgling government into accepting these provisions. Unfortunately, a controversy arose over the readmission of the new government that all but destroyed its legitimacy after the Republican Congress denied its petition.

   The conflict erupted from the fallout of an ugly campaign that resembled a soap opera more than a free election. The contest for governor pitted Governor Banks' candidate, Michael Hahn, against Free State Committee leader Thomas Durant. Although there was no essential matter of principle that divided the two men or their followers, (both were committed to abolition and to the idea of extending civil rights to blacks but were hesitant about immediate suffrage) governor Bank's un-Lincolnian style of management by force and Congress' distrust of Lincoln's methods such as military occupation caused Durant and his followers to discredit the Louisiana government after losing the election. The tragic irony, as Cox points out, was that the government that Lincoln had engineered through Banks was even more radical than what was Congress outlined in its own wish list, the Wade-Davis Bill.

   Cox's final chapter entitled "Reflections on the Limits of the Possible" compares the policies, skills, and beliefs of Lincoln, Andrew Johnson, Ulysses Grant, and the Republican Congress as a whole and explores the great question of what might have been. Her conclusion is that the ten-year battle between Congress and the Executive would have likely been reduced to a discussion of how to achieve the mutually accepted goal of guaranteeing the rights of the freed slaves. The Republican Party, especially in the South, would have benefited by association with the political skill and moderation of Lincoln rather than with the single-minded "Radical Yankee Republicans" of Congress. Had a stronger Republican party taken root, it may have resulted in a viable two party system that would have made the inevitable transition to home rule more agreeable. Yet even Lincoln could not have immediately guaranteed and enforced equal rights for the freedmen because racism was firmly entrenched and the Southern economy offered no assistance. Even the most radical plan of land redistribution failed to provide a means to revive the Southern economy. Even so, Cox provides a compelling argument to support her case that had Lincoln been able to extend his Louisiana program of consent and force, Reconstruction would have been much more successful.




3. Lawanda Cox discusses at length the steps that Lincoln follows to ensure emancipation and the survival of the union after the Civil War. Lincoln leadership and strategies is the main topic of the book is. At many times, this book is about building Lincolns reputation as a great leader. Reconstruction, post Civil War, is the time period when this book first leads off. Lincoln immediately uses his talent to hold the nation together. Cox's audience is obviously anyone that has ever question just how brilliant and talented Lincoln really was. This is a great source to see just how strategic Lincoln was to keep the union together and go through with the emancipation. College students could use this book as part of a biography to give examples on what steps Lincoln used during his presidency. This book should be part of everyone's Civil War library. The author, LaWanda Cox is a, "seasoned Reconstruction scholar," wrote Thomas Schott. With the research that I have done, I can only agree with Mr.Schott. She has also written another book about Reconstruction called Freedom, Racism, and Reconstruction : Collected Writings of Lawanda Cox.. Lawanda Cox is a leading Reconstruction historian. She is a professor of history at Hunter College and the Graduate Center of the City University of New York. In 1992 she received the Southern Historical Associations' first citation for lifetime of to the field of Southern History. In writing this book, Cox uses several primary and secondary sources. Many different books about Reconstruction and black freedom were consulted when this book was put together. Most of her sources were books written by a variety of authors. In my opinion, she seemed to cover just about everything. LaWanda is very objective throughout the book. She is quick to support Lincoln in everything that he does, but does also criticize him at times. For example, "Lincoln's effort to enlist, or a t least neutralize, economic interest and portraying compensation for slaves as money saved from the cost of war depended upon his main contention that the war should be shortened and was similarly vulnerable," criticizes Lincoln a little, but also writes, "Lincoln's extraordinary effort on behalf of gradual, compensated emancipation," and much later, "If any man could met the challenge, that man was Lincoln." She looks at Lincoln as a great leader. So great as to not give in to the radicals, develop and follow the ten percent plan, and realize that small, sometimes flexible steps needed to be taken throughout Reconstruction. Lincoln has always been considered one of America's greatest presidents. This book takes a giant leap to prove that to any non-believer. Cox's shows Lincoln strengths when dealing with other people. Lincoln had clear plan, but Cox's shows how flexible he was in the emancipation in using other people suggestions. He does just this in Louisiana. Lincoln does what he can to create and recognize Louisiana as a state. It was not Lincoln that was doing the dirty work, Cox explained. Most of the time he had someone pass his own words. Lincoln avoided developing a connection between recognition of a state and abolition of slavery. Cox in the end of the book goes on to express what may have happen if Lincoln had remained president. With the strategic power that Lincoln had, he may settled the race issue much sooner. Cox points out how Andrew Johnson was so weak compared to Lincoln. Johnson was not only a weak president, but also had southern roots. Cox thinks Lincoln would have went as far as military force to see what he wanted carried out. Cox writes, "Given the difference in principle and prejudice between Lincoln and Johnson, Reconstruction history would have followed a different path both at the nation's capital and in the secession states of the South had Lincoln lived out his second term of office. Of that there can be no doubt." The style of this book can be very confusing at times. To me it seems to go over the same point over and over. Emancipation was the most confusing of all the things I read. A preliminary emancipation was issued followed by a warning of emancipation, and then a test emancipation all going on at different times in Louisiana. It was in chronological order making it easier for me to read since I have some knowledge of the Reconstruction Era. The book I thought was original. I read new information every time I picked up the book. Cox used many different sources when writing this book. It is not the first book on Lincoln as a Presidential Leader. It refines Lincoln during the Reconstruction Era smoothing out the facts about his strategy. Many people have written books about Lincoln in the past. This is LaWand Cox's second book about Lincoln. LaWanda Cox's book does get more original towards the end of the book when she considers what could have happened had Lincoln continued to be President. The book reviews that I looked seemed to agree that LaWanda Cox's Lincoln and Black Freedom is a great source of information and plainly fascinating. Fresh and sharp were two words that described it according to one critic. She was considered a seasoned Reconstruction author that should receive every ounce of credit for her book. Recently a book was written from a collection of Cox's books, Freedom, Racism, and Reconstruction : Collected Writings of Lawanda Cox. From reading all the reviews LaWanda Cox is consider a scholar of Southern Reconstruction. If you are interested in presidential strategy, emancipation, reconstruction, or just Lincoln, then you should add this book to your library of American History. However, this book is very difficult to read. You need some kind of a background in the Reconstruction Era to appreciate this book. For all the detail, strategy, and depth, all scholars should read this book.

No comments about "Lincoln's Humor" and Other Essays.

No comments about Theodore Roosevelt and World Order: Police Power in International Relations.

1 comments about Wellington.

1. Elizabeth Longford's "Wellington" is a very short introductory life of the First Duke of Wellington. It is derivative of her full-length biographies of Wellington and Queen Victoria but manages to be solidly informative without being overwhelming. Longford, in highly readable prose, provides a fast moving survey of the military and political life of Arthur Wellesley, weaving in the kinds of personal details that hang a more human face on a man and a time much mythologized. This work is clearly intended for the general reader; serious students of the Duke should track down Longford's two volume biography ("Years of the Sword" and "Pillar of the State"). Those looking for a detailed military biography should also seek elsewhere; this volume only lightly skims the surface of Wellington's long military career. This is the kind of book a serious student of Wellington provides as an introduction to the subject to his less serious friends and relatives.

3 comments about The Uncommon Wisdom of JFK: A Portrait in His Own Words.

1. 
   I have read a pile of books and watched a ton of TV about JFK;and I have to put this one right up there with the best of them.It was about 1958 when I first became aware of him.By 1960,I had finished University,and had been working for about a year.What really amazed me was that I was a new engineer of 23, just starting my career and here was this fellow who had spent 4 years in WWII,a Navy Lieutenant Hero from the Pacific,already travelled the world,spent 14 years as a Congressman and Senator;and now at the ripe old age of 43, elected President of the USA,the most powerful in the world with the job of dealing with the Communist threat of world domination...and he's only 18 years older than me.
   Although I had been following politics since High School days;my lifelong interest really took off around 1960;and what an interest and roller coaster ride we were in for in the next 4 years,and to a large degree,ever since.
   This book captures the JFK I knew,and most of all in his own words.There,s hardly a thing in this book that I don't remember watch happen on TV.I have to agree with the other reviewers that the DVD is fantastic.There is the old idea that a book is better than a movie.Our teachers tried to drill that into us,but they had little success in winning me over."Gone With the Wind","Casablanca",Westerns,War movies;you name it,the movies won me over every time.The same holds here.It is one thing to read the words as JFK spoke them;but listening to him and watching him again brings back the memories,exactly as I remember them.Even these black and white newsreels enhance the power of his words;and it is almost a forgotten thing that there was TV without color.If you tell a kid today that you watched the first man land on the moon,I think it was 1969, on a black and white TV;he'll probably say "Why?".When you say," there was hardly any color TV then";the reply is something like,"Oh?"
   JFK captured the audience every time he came in contact with a camera,crowd or audience.In the DVD,there are a couple of shots where he was debating Nixon,who doesn't say a word.That is the way I remember JFK,when he said something,there wasn't much else to say.Everyone loved his press conferences,friend and foe alike;and probably nobody enjoyed them more than himself.I can't think of anyone else in public life that can hold a candle to his improptu wit and humor...and he could do it without being hurtful.I can only imagine what the 'banter' must have been like behind closed doors or with friends on a social basis.Think about times with Sinatra for instance;we'll never know.But oh,the stories that must be told by those who 'knew' him.
   I can't recommend this book highly enough to those who lived through the Kennedy years.To those who didn't,this book will give you an idea of what the JFK wisdom and wit was all about.
   I think that Kennedy hit the nail on the head about what it means to be President with these words:
   "Let us not seek the Republican answer or the Democratic answer but the right answer."
   Herein lies the reason that ,no matter what party the President comes from,the President has to be the President of all the people,and can expect a lot of objection from the other side.It may be too bad but it goes with the territory and the reason Presidents seldom let it bother them.



2. Everything about this book is quality from the design, to the paper to the elegant font. It captures the essence of JFK because it's not someone else's memoir or perceptions. This is all JFk in his own words. One quote is particularly striking. Before taking office JFK quotes Lincoln on the subject of fate and purpose as president.
   
   Also, the book includes a DVD filled with remakable and touching images.



3. You forget all the things JFK did and said until you read this thing. Wow, it really reminds you. But the best part is the DVD that comes with it which is only probably forty minutes, but it has all this film (color and black and white) of Kennedy. I had always wanted to see him saying "Ich bin ein Berliner!"

   In the end, the film of him playing with his son just tears your heart out. The DVD is worth it alone.

5 comments about Behind the Oval Office: Getting Reelected Against All Odds.

1. I was expecting a "Bill Clinton is a genius" book and prepared to dislike it. I've never cared for Clinton because the guy is so obviously out for himself - and at the same time decrying people for that very trait. As a President, Clinton confused personal victories with leadership (need I say impeachment?).
   
   But regarding the actual race, I want to say that this book reads better than almost all of those campaign journal books by Teddy White and Jack Germond/Jules Witcover - and especially those of Elizabeth Drew. Morris makes clear his admiration of Clinton while leaving the reader with the conclusion that Clinton had a split personality - Morris calls one the policy wonk and the other the Eagle Scout.
   
   Morris is NOT a conservative. Anyone who gets on his case about that is seriously misguided. Yes, he was (perhaps is) a Republican, but he covered that in detail, too. After all, how many people voted for BOTH George McGovern AND Ronald Reagan?
   
   The book left me captivated as Morris clearly understands the ideological differences between the two parties. I think Morris is on somewhat less stable ground that the GOP would never nominate a Colin Powell, but I agree with virtually all of his other points.
   
   Sadly, Morris hubris sunk him. Readers will remember that during the 1996 campaign, Morris got caught with a hooker and thrown out the door. Given Clinton's peccadilloes, I would think this behavior would get Morris nominated VP. But give Morris credit - he blamed himself and ONLY himself for that one.
   
   The one bad thing out of the book is that Morris did the entire country a disservice by getting Clinton re-elected. While Morris may have felt that it was the right thing to do at the time, history shows Clinton to be just the way Morris saw him in his book - weak and namby-pamby and without a central core of beliefs of what he actually wanted to do as President. This is unfortunate given how history unfolded: if Clinton had had some guidance and actually run on issues of what he was going to do (that was tough since he did almost nothing he promised in 1992), he would have had some political cover when the Lewinsky scandal broke.
   
   The book is must-read for political junkies or for somebody who wants to know Bill Clinton from the inside.



2. Bill Clinton hired Dick Morris as a consultant for his 1996 reelection campaign. His role as an advisor to the president was kept a secret for several months, and eventually ended in a tabloid-driven scandal that cost Dick his job. Behind the Oval Office provides an account of this time from Dick's perspective.

   The account is told in a surprisingly linear and story-like fashion. It makes for a captivating literary experience (which is a real accomplishment considering that this is a political book). It also serves as an outlet for Dick to apologize for, and make peace with, the scandal that cost him his job (and almost his marriage).

   I found the book to be quite fair in describing the principals of the Clinton administration and Republican leadership in Congress (Dick Morris had also consulted for many Republicans over the years and briefly served as an information conduit between Bill Clinton and Trent Lott).

   The bottom line is this: If you're looking for some sort of a hatchet-job on the Clinton administration, look elsewhere. If you're looking for starting revelations and juicy details, try the tabloids. However, if you want to know more about one of the most unique relationships a president has ever shared with an advisor, this is the book for you.




3. Part campaign chronicle, part autobiography, part political strategy primer, Behind the Oval Office is Morris's look at the period from about November 1994 through August 1996 when he worked as a consultant for Bill Clinton. Morris includes some background information, such as his earlier history with the Clintons and his relationship with Trent Lott, but the primary focus is how Clinton won the presidency after the 1994 midterm elections, to many observers, turned him into an apparent lame duck.
   
   Morris takes great pains to point out that he is (or at least was) an equal opportunity consultant, advising both Republicans and Democrats. Indeed, when he got his first call from Clinton in 1994, he was working on a handful of Republican campaigns, including Tom Ridge's race for governor in Pennsylvania. Previously, he had worked for Trent Lott, whom Morris deeply respects, and, surprisingly enough, for Jesse Helms, a job which, not too surprisingly, ended with Morris's being fired. There's something a shade Machiavellian about this, about caring for victory above all else. But Morris also goes to great lengths to explain his "craft." It is not simply spin or slander or attack or government-by-polls; rather, it is about issues and substance. Morris insists that he merely examines a candidates repertoire of positions and, based on polls, picks the ones to emphasize.
   
   It is an interesting book by an obviously brilliant man. Clinton's reversal of fortunes between 1994 and 1996 is nothing short of stunning, and much of it was Dick Morris's doing. That is, until he encountered his own scandal during the 1996 convention. (Of course, Dick Morris's strategies would continue to reap benefits after he left.) If there is a negative of this book, it is Morris's constant apologies for his trysts with the prostitute. It's a refreshing stand--to admit his wrongdoing, apologize for it, and recognize that he hurt others more than he hurt himself. But it was such a constant refrain in the book as to detract from its overall impact. Still, the book is insightful not only into the 1996 campaign but also into campaign strategy in general. It is a fascinating read.



4. Clinton's use of television advertising in his 1996 reelection bid was unprecedented in American history. Political consultant Dick Morris was highly influential in managing this campaign, and retracing his collaboration with the Clintons back to the Arkansas gubernatorial campaigns, he peeks inside Clinton and his White House.
   
   Morris was also the one who gave the American political world 'triangulation'. If (as he insists too many times) triangulation is not really shaping of policy by polling but merely the shaping of presentation by polling, it would still be terribly disingenuous toward the voter. But I think even he realizes that cherry-picking other people's policies in order to win elections is not leadership.
   
   In fact, a lack of leadership is indicative of the Clinton White House itself. According to Morris, Clinton suffers from a chronic inability to fire under- or misperforming members of his staff (inadvertently giving another clue as to who really was responsible for firing the travel office staff). He creates chaos and infighting, then drifts around waiting for someone to move in his direction whom he then supports. Morris describes a permanent near state of war between White House chief of staff Leon Panetta and deputies Harold Ickes and Erskine Bowles. Such is the manner that Clinton exerts control.
   
   But then he isn't much of a team player-- he even keeps Morris out of sight from his staff because he wanted him to himself. Later, paranoia erupts when Clinton accuses Morris of hogging Al Gore, and fearing abandonment by his boss, Gore accuses Clinton of the same.
   
   Clinton spent an astounding $85 million in his reelection campaign. In the previous presidential election, both candidates spent less than half that amount. Obviously this war chest drained an enormous amount of time and energy from Clinton's other job as president. Quoting Clinton: "I can't think. I can't act. I can't do anything but go to fund-raisers and shake hands. You want me to issue executive orders; I can't focus on a thing but the next fund-raiser. Hillary can't, Al can't-- we're all getting sick and crazy because of it."
   
   Interestingly, Clinton doesn't even watch television news-- or read newspapers, with the exception of the New York Times and Washington Post op-ed pages.
   
   Morris describes the reason for not supporting a cut in the capital gains tax. Their own experts had agreed with President Ronald Reagan's rationale that such a cut not only would not cost anything but would even raise revenue, but they still opposed it because it would make them look "too Republican." So they screwed American workers for cosmetics' sake. He describes Clinton's strategy to pass a welfare reform bill to help his election, but then force changes in it after being locked into the White House. Morris has many good words for Trent Lott, but being a good Senator couldn't save him from being lambasted over an off-hand remark at Strom Thurmond's centenary.
   
   Not much is mentioned about foreign affairs, but what is doesn't speak well for Clinton's grasp of it. On the victory of Prime Minister Netanyahu in the 1996 Israeli elections, Clinton flatly concludes that the "Israelis are not ready for peace," forgetting that following countless terror attacks on its citizens after the disastrous Clinton-sponsored Israeli/Palestinian peace agreements, Israelis voted Netanyahu in office precisely because he was the only one who could credibly bring peace.
   
   Sooner or later everyone strays into Hillary's dark side, and Morris commits the sin of recounting how she wanted a swimming pool in their taxpayer-funded Arkansas governor's mansion. It is fairly amusing to read the fawning and sycophantic groveling he had to endure to be restored in her favor.
   
   Behind the White House is a fairly interesting read, though it suffers from sloppy editing. Are "honesty, honor, reliability" really adjectives in the Democratic lexicon? It has its share of political correctness: why does 'Arab terrorists' need quotes? Truman 'lost' China, but Clinton didn't want to lose Russia.
   
   Dick Morris seems a generally honorable professional who is good at what he does, though I'm left to wonder whether this is good for the electorate or the country. In order to raise the astronomical amounts of cash needed for the marketing of what Morris calls the "first fully advertised presidency in US history," Clinton by his own admission was incapacitated from his duties. As we now know, the methods used to raise the cash were illegal, sometimes damaging to our national security, and always reprehensible.



5. The undisputed master of polling, political stratagem, geopolitical sagacity, and, er... prostitutes writes an amazingly candid look into the Clinton White House worth reading years later. Morris chronicles his triangulation strategy that unfortunately led to Clinton's improbable 2nd term. Morris operated largely in secret as "Charlie" over the phone and later in and out of the East Wing while Clinton's staff worked separately in the West Wing.

   Morris tells how Clinton instructs Morris to continue with the subterfuge to avoid the largely ineffective and overly quarrelsome Leon Panetta and Harold Ickes. Without Morris and his insight, Clinton no doubt would not have signed the Republican-sponsored Welfare Reform Act and would have lost in 1996. Morris, who is a foot shorter than Clinton, was tackled by Clinton while in Arkansas, only later to be consoled by Hillary as she told him that Bill only does that to people he loves. With friends like that...

3 comments about Patriot Sage: George Washington and the American Political Tradition.

1. This is an excellent book! It is a compilation of essays examining various facets of Washington's career and personality ranging from an evaluation of his military acumen to his self awareness in view of classical models to his role in the Constitutional convention to the use of his portrayal in our culture. Each essay is informative and well written, and they come from experts in their field. This is a helpful response to the `debunking' which has become so popular. I don't agree with all aspects of the analyses, but this volume sets Washington in his own context and understands him accordingly. This book is a good way to gain a sound perspective and renewed appreciation of this central figure in our history.



2. I feel the need to respond to the above review. It is an aburdity to fault George Washington for not abolishing slavery.
   
   At that point in human history, the institution of slavery was thousands of years old and practiced on every continent of the world and by every race including Africans, Asians, Middle Easterners and American Indians.
   
   George Washington was elected as the president of a republic. He had no authority to abolish slavery. Had he chosen to take the position of dictator, he could possibly have accomplished that end, but I sincerely doubt it. You seek to end one wrong by committing another.
   
   This kind of historical perspective does not serve to enlighten but obscure the facts.
   
   Someday self-righteous men may want to hold all Americans of our era responsible for allowing the abortion of 30+ million babies. There are times when we as individuals cannot "abolish" a great wrong until the traditions of a culture such as slavery and abortion are seen for what they are.
   
   Imagine my saying George W. Bush should write an executive order abolishing abortion.



3. This book has been informative in that I have learned a great deal about the political and militaristic problems Washington endured during America's push for independence. I have a feeling that, without Washington's sacrifice, America as we know it probably wouldn't occur. However, I also think of the famous quote attributed to Napoleon that "History is the myth men choose to believe." While Thomas Paine wrote about independence for the colonies, he also tore into the concept of slavery as immoral, so it wasn't as if no one was talking about this issue. If Washington would have "stepped up" and abolished slavery then and there, so that all men (and women) were truly created equal, as I said before, America might not be here. It was a politically divided and bankrupt country. I don't consider those reasons justification for sacrificing another person's human rights. The racial problems we face today stem from a lack of identity stolen from a stolen people

   who did much of the work to build this country in its early days and, while the opprtunity was there, given nothing in return. "Patriot Sage" is an excellent insight into many aspects of Washington's life of which I was ignorant (like his influence on the Constitutional Convention) Sadly, some of its essays are too right-wing, to the point of Clinton bashing. What modern era president could really live up to the accomplishments of the one who defined the job's parameters ? One essay focuses on the moral symbolism of Washington now devoid in today's presidents, while another openly admits he gambled and sought prostitutes. To be read overall with some perspective.

1 comments about Presidents: Every Question Answered.

1. This work is a great summary of the tenures of the Presidents of the United States of America. For each individual there is an opening summary paragraph, biographical facts, portraits, quotes, timelines, election results, important historical events, administration members, and first lady biographies. Having all this information in one place is very handy as a reference tool. Reading through the text can also provide a great overview of American History.

2 comments about Facts About the Presidents: A Compilation of Biographical and Historical Information (Facts About the Presidents).

1. In this year of presidential campaigns I discovered this tome at the library & decided it was time I knew something about all the men who have held this rarified office. Filled with exacting & infinite details about their ages, occupations, ancestries, families plus the highlights of their terms, this is one useful, interesting & thoughtful reference book.



2. This is an amazing collection of facts on U.S. Presidents. Practically anything you ever wanted to know about the Presidents is in this book. A must-read! I recommend it to anyone, especially a presidential buff.

1 comments about Ronald Reagan: The Presidential Portfolio: History as Told through the Collection of the Ronald Reagan Library and Museum.

1. With wonderful photographs, facsimiles of documents Reagan wrote, text by the top Reagan chronicler (Lou Cannon) and commentary by historian Michael Bechloss, this is a beautiful visual history of critical years in this century.