No comments about Olga: Revolutionary and Martyr.

No comments about The Dictator's Shadow: Life Under Augusto Pinochet.

5 comments about Lazy B (Modern Library).

1. This is one of the best books I have read in a while. I thoroughly enjoyed Sandra Day O'Connor's vivid depiction of her youth living on a ranch in the southwest. Particularly impressive were the connections made between lessons learned on the ranch and her philosophy on life, which ultimately shaped her career. I couldn't put the book down. I have purchased several copies to give to friends and family who have connections to ranching and/or the southwestern U.S. I highly recommend this book, even to those who do not have connections to ranching. As the majority of the population moves further away from agrarian life, this book is a refreshing reminder of the importance of agriculture and those who labor to provide for our basic existence.



2. LAZY B by Sandra Day O'Connor gives the reader a picture through words and photographs of life on a ranch in the arid southwest. But it also presents the development of independence, the value of a job well done not for praise or monetary considerations but because you believe in yourself.
   The way of life is fading into myth and legends, but an aspect of the value of children to the economic unit of the family needs to be examined and studied to give us greater insight into our educational processes. Productive work is the hallmark of a human being, it shines through the dust for this family and their employees.



3. A wonderful and genuine book that provides great imagery and a window into the real and raw Southwest. The book is less about Justice O'Connor and more about our magnificant Southwest. Environmental issues, farming, education, and family relationships are all discussed in an authentic and beautifully descriptive way. It's not a page turner but it's a lovely book if you want a picture about growing up in the Southwest when cowboys roamed and cattle were plentiful.



4. I loved reading this memoir about growing up on a huge cattle ranch in the American southwest. Sandra Day O'Connor and her brother H. Alan Day write from the heart in an easy to read book with lots of pictures. This is a tribute to their parents, a portrait of a colorful childhood in a remote setting on the Arizona border. The Day family raised cattle for a living; real cowboys worked the ranch, broke wild horses, built and mended fences, rounded up cattle, drilled wells, and built windmills. The children participated in all aspects of ranch life.
   
   The story is about three generations of a family surviving on an arid and strange land - what the land taught them and how they coped with extremes of drought and distance. Individual stories of the cowboys, their love of horses and cattle and other animals are portrayed in a warm and loving way, as if the authors are smiling as they remember those happy days and their parents who taught and encouraged Sandra, Alan, and their sister Ann; the fun times, hard work, windmills and wells, rodeos, the first train thru the area, school, and so much more.
   
   Short chapters, wonderful pictures, and a pleasure to read about a part of America where it truly was "home on the range", and where the cattle industry flourished over a span of a century. Thank you authors for sharing. The quotations are priceless. Here is one of them: When Time, who steals our years away, Shall steal our pleasure, too. The Memory of the past will stay, And half our joys renew. (Thomas Moore, "song")



5. "Lazy B," like the title implies, is the story of Sandra Day O'Connor and her younger brother growing up on a ranch in south-eastern Arizona. They grew up in an isolated environment that mandated self-reliance and initiative. Sandra received much of her formal education through riding the train to El Paso to stay with her maternal grandparents while attending a local girls' school. Her father had wanted to attend Stanford but the responsibilities of taking over the family ranch prevented that. Sandra O'Connor was able to achieve that for him, where she excelled academically, was then inspired by one of her instructors to study law (also at Stanford), met her husband (and also dated classmate William Rehnquist), and then struggled to begin a law career at a time that women had almost no such opportunity. (Despite Sandra graduating from Stanford Law #2 in her class, her early job searches were at best met with "Can you type?")
   
   Then it was on to Phoenix where she started a law partnership, then moved to the Attorney General's office, became elected to the State Senate, became a Superior Court Judge, was promoted to the Arizona Court of Appeals by Governor Babbitt (D), and then selected by President Reagan to the Supreme Court.
   
   Personal Note: In the late 1970s I appeared in Judge O'Connor's court as a witness and was astounded at her astute (and polite) questioning of one of the attorney's. Later, I witnessed the buzz as those who knew her stopped to congratulate her Supreme Court appointment. And most recently I had the opportunity to hear her and her brother give a presentation on this book - very insightful, witty, and again - polite. (She autographed my copy!)
   
   An inspiring person!

No comments about Blue Man in a Red State: Montana's Governor Brian Schweitzer and the New Western Populism.

5 comments about Unveiled: How an American Woman Found Her Way Through Politics, Love, and Obedience in the Middle East.

1. To anyone who's actually lived in the region and knows some of the people referenced in the book, it is unlikely "Unveiled" will cast any light. The author lived in the region for only three years. She didn't learn Arabic, very much limiting her ability to understand the culture, the events, and the people she was exposed to and, thus, her ability to interpret them for those who haven't traveled to or lived in the region.
   
   It is difficult to have it both ways (i.e., to speak with authority on the people and the issues in the region without learning the language and without having been fully immersed long enough to pick up on enough of the nuances).
   
   I have to admit, I was put off by the "I could've been a princess" chapter. It seemed like something thrown in to enhance the marketability of the book to people who are impressed with but in the dark about such things. Jordan is a small country with a relatively large, accessible royal family. They are regularly out and about and meeting people, so it's difficult to know what really took place there--whether she was just exposed to a prince for a brief while or whether there was a seriousness to whatever relationship was there.
   
   Also, Israel, Jordan, and Palestine aren't countries where veiling is prescribed--some women cover, some don't. It would never be expected that an American woman would veil, unless she was trying to "pass." So I find the title of this book a bit sensational. Again, probably to help with the marketing, but it doesn't really help to understand the region.



2. I am an American Jew. I am also a member of a Middle East Peace Group, whose membership is made up of Israelis and Palestinians working side-by-side in an effort to effect peace in the Middle East for all people. Deborah Kanafani has written an enthralling memoir, and at times a harrowing tale. Deborah is a valiant, courageous, resilient, and trail-blazing American woman of Lebanese descent; her devotion to her two children is truly heart melting - she did everything she possibly could to protect them; sacrificing everything to be nearby and physically with them; breaking through barricades set up to thwart her from having any access to them due to unimaginable and terrifying circumstances; She bore the weight of her burden with her integrity and her personal values intact; for her childrens' own well-being Deborah braved and endured her chilling fate with a determined sense of calm in the eye of this Middle East maelstrom.
   
   My admiration for Deborah as a woman, a mother, a human rights advocate and a writer is boundless. And I extend this admiration to all the brave and notable women whose stories Deborah shares with us; they all embody an indomitable strength and an unwavering will to speak out against human rights violations, at the risk of their own lives. Deborah allows us to see in this beautiful memoir that each of us in our own ordinary way with all our foibles and human weaknesses has within us the extraordinary power to effect necessary change in the way humankind operates in the world.
   
   I applaud Deborah's valor; raising and carrying the torch of true freedom high above her own head, in an effort to guide us, we who share her desire and her vision of bringing a peaceful co-existence out of the darkness into the light of day, where this dream of peace, security and understanding can become a reality in the Middle East and the world over.



3. Deborah Kanafani writes a powerful and touching memoir about loss and identity; feminism and third world politics. With beauty and tenderness she explores her micro family dynamics and how they coincided with macro world politics. A true pleasure to read.



4. Ms. Kanafani is a wonderful storyteller. There are many pretentious and complex books that have been written about the Middle East. This is NOT one of them. But I think that this is not just a book about the Middle East. Ms. Kanafani uses her personal experience and her encounters with fascinating women to bring us a message that is constantly obscured by the media. The message: There are people in the Middle East (and all over the world) that do want PEACE. People from all sides need and want to live a peaceful live. At the end of Ms. Kanafani's book she gives a list of organizations that are actually working to bring peace to the Middle East. But does the media talk about these organizations? Not really. It's not something that networks can sell and can use to scare people on the evening news... Ms. Kanafani's book takes you on a fascinating and very personal trip. It's her unique story that makes this book a must read.



5. I found Deborah Kanafani's "Unveiled" to be not only a gripping personal life adventure, but a highly enlightening book, educating in the current and past realities of life in the Middle East. We tend to imagine all Middle Eastern women to be veiled and silenced in a world where their voices seem to mean very little, so it was interesting to hear the stories of all the brave women fighting for their families, societies, and their political and personal rights and values. It was also absolutely fascinating to see how many prominent political figures seemed to have chosen to marry women who were not at all subdued, but, rather, strong, intelligent, and outspoken. Ms. Kanafani's own personal journey was both intriguing and compelling, and a true testament to her courage and the human spirit in the face of challenge and adversity. It is cinematic in it's scope and begs to be translated to the big screen, which I certainly hope it will be. Kudos to Ms. Kanafani for both her book and her immense courage.

5 comments about Laura Bush: An Intimate Portrait of the First Lady.

1. I liked this book but it wasn't great. I was wanting some insight to Laura Bush and her marriage. Mr. Kessler didn't do that. He repeated numerous stories that the media had already reported and responding to Kitty Kelley's The Family book. I felt like this book was rushed. He didn't go into a lot of explanation and I felt that her childhood along with the governor years were very glossed over. I wanted Mr. Kessler to talk about the librarian/school teacher years of Laura Bush's life. After reading this book, I wanted to feel like I knew her. Instead I feel like I barely scratched the surface. Some of that may be that Laura Bush is a private person. I don't know. I just had higher expectations after reading some Mr. Kessler's other books and he didn't not fulfill my expectations.



2. I loved this book. I bought this book after reading a library copy.
   
   This book is based on interviews with Laura Bush's friends. It reveals friendships that are full of caring, insight, jokes, loyalty and sincerity. I would like to be as good a friend to the people I love as I think Laura Bush is to the people she loves. Laura Bush is still friends with schoolmates from high school and college! And they are very smart and also funny!
   
   In reading this book, I found out that Laura loves to clean. One of her friends said cleaning supplies are Laura's favorite substances. No one in my family feels that way! But I find Laura's attitude inspiring, funny and helpful. Now, when something around here needs cleaning, I think of Laura's enthusiasm. I find that it is much easier and more fun to tackle cleaning with enthusiasm than to go through it with a dismal attitude.
   
   I liked Laura Bush before I read this book. Based on the impressions shared by her friends, it seems to me that she always tries to do her best but without taking herself too seriously. She is smart, sensible, witty and also kind. And she loves to read!! And I love to read!! And I love people who love to read!!
   
   I liked her very much to begin with, and having read the book, I like her better. In fact, I have added Laura Bush to my virtual team and I consider her an awesome virtual friend and consultant.
   
   I wish her well and thank her for her contributions as First Lady. Thank you, Laura!
   
   I think this is an excellent book, with revealing insights into Laura Bush's friendships and life. It is not a snarky critical book and I was grateful for that. I'm not interested in snark and criticism (well, hardly at all). I'm interested in encouraging people to be their best and to enjoy life. I think this book does that, and I highly recommend it.



3. He lets us feel as though we are "right there" - a moving story of this woman's life. You don't want to put the book down til you're done...very interesting presentation.



4. I admire Laura Bush and enjoyed learning more about her. But I appreciate authors who can provide some objectivity. This one falls all over his subject rather than providing a sophisticated eye. Laura herself is very diplomatic and more non-judgmental than most of us. But the author betrays the spirit of the First Lady with his pot shots at others, particularly the Clintons. It's almost as if he wrote the book to state his own opinions rather than to state hers. He is politically naive and less than a stellar writer. His transitions from one topic to another are very weak. Read this book if you want to learn more about Laura but don't waste your time if you are looking for a well-written piece.



5. This book was worth waiting for! I admire the First Lady greatly, and this book did not disappoint me. It is written with all the grace and elegance Mrs. Bush is known for. A great book.

5 comments about Crashing the Party: Taking on the Corporate Government in an Age of Surrender.

1. Several years ago during one of Mr. Nader's presidential campaigns I looked at his website to see what was happening. It was riddled with typographic and other editing mistakes, so I voted for another candidate. Whatever the merits of his positions might have been, it seemed to me he was unable to run even his own office and therefore unready to head the Executive Branch of the U.S. government.
   
   It pleases me to write that this book is ably edited, and a careful read-through by me turned up zero typos. On the flip side, there also are zero footnotes, and this book contains a lot of assertions which I would like to have checked sources on. There is a useful index if you're looking to relocate something within this book.
   
   An informative list is included for further reading, although the listed periodicals appear to be chosen for their "progressive" stance as opposed to careful thinking and pursuit of the facts. What's missing from the periodical list? For starters, The Christian Science Monitor, which frequently contains content in support of the progressive agenda but without much of the "hate speech" and black-and-white rendering occasionally seen in Crashing the Party -- which, by the way, does quote from a Monitor editorial.
   
   By "hate speech", I am referring to a tendency to resort to generalizations, stereotypes, and preconceived notions. In this book the target of such speech isn't an ethnic group, religion, gender, or sexual preference; instead it's "corporations". Assertions that "corporations" are evil are not as productive as they might appear. For one thing, the term "corporation" is more than overly broad; it's downright inaccurate. Many businesses today are not corporations but in fact are limited liability companies. It's important too that not all businesses -- whether Inc. or LLC -- are evil, but Crashing the Party doesn't concede this until page 146, where Nader writes that "there are many companies of lesser size and greater conscience", and then doesn't concede the point again.
   
   Crashing the Party describes many problems which are very real, yet I believe that these are best tackled without the hate speech. In a similar manner, Mr. Nader describes many unfortunate behaviors which have their root in economic forces and lack of creativity, but are described instead as moral shortcomings and ethical lapses. A coincidental appearance of impropriety should not be interpreted as proof of moral turpitude, as such a leap robs the assumer of all hope for progress.
   
   As long as I am mentioning leaps, several reviewers blame Mr. Nader's 2000 presidential run for the 2003 invasion of Iraq by the United States and associated deaths numbering in at least the tens of thousands. This is foolish reasoning. Mr. Nader's only failing on Iraq is not falling for the extortion inflicted by so many commentators: "a vote for Mr. Nader is a vote for __________ (insert anything which means destruction and anarchy)".
   
   With its weaknesses, this book is nonetheless a constructive read. I couldn't give it five stars, but less than four would mislead. With that said, the book is not a quick read and is not as useful on contemporary topics as his more recent book, The Good Fight : Declare Your Independence and Close the Democracy Gap. If you have not read The Good Fight and you value your time, I suggest skipping Crashing the Party in favor of this other book by Mr. Nader with fewer words and more substance (although still no footnotes).
   
   I am impressed by Mr. Nader's astounding personal knowledge of current and recent events, a result of decades of advocacy and tireless public service. Although I will never agree with each of his positions across the board, I find Mr. Nader's writing to be very fresh and rather informative. Concerning the weaknesses in some of his reasoning, perhaps I will find the time to write my own book and set a few things straight. As for Mr. Nader's keener observations? They are absolutely brilliant.



2. This is the ultimate book in understanding the importance of breaking free from the lesser of two-evil mentality. Journey with the Nader 2000 presidential campaign through all the obstacles the two-party duopoly inflicts on third party and independent candidates. It provides critical education about the rigged electoral system the Republicrats have cunningly crafted. This book shows that with courage and optimism one can stand up and fight with the corporate owned two-party system.



3. Nader is brilliant, decent, and incorruptible.
   Nader's high ethical standards and great ideas should be a guiding torch to our government.
   Thanks to him, there is some accountability in Washington. His persistence to fight for the public stands strong in defiance of the black out by the media and the dirty smear campaigns by the politicians. If Nader was corrupt he would've been recruited by the elites and could've occupied the White House or other high positions in government and top corporations.
   Nader is never for sale and will continue to stand for the little people as an icon of truth and integrity.
   I would highly recommend his book for every citizen that has concerns for his country, and for every person that values ethics in business, government, and life in general....



4. This is an excellent book on the issues that face American politics today, the views of Ralph Nader and his story relating to the 2000 election year and his campaign trail.
   
   The book raises awareness to the issues of corporate welfare practiced by both the Republican and Democratic parties, how the Democrats have morphed into a pseudo-Republican party, under the heavy influence of corporate lobbyists, ceasing to represent the working class and masses as Roosevelt and other great Democrats have done in the past.
   
   And the results are ecological damages, social injustices which have removed equal opportunities, centralization of power, corporate owned business which has eliminated much of the community based revenues, a disrespect for diversity and citizen participation and the monetary interests of plutocrat - the corporate elites - removing personal and global responsibilities. Inflation has risen, workers make less, poverty has increased, minimum wage is lower today in relation to inflation. Americans work longer hours for the same pay. Farmers have been devastated by large corporate industry, public works and schools have been given less and less funding and are crumbling, corporate welfare programs that take our tax dollars amounting to hundreds of billions of dollars ever year continue to rise with government giveaways of taxpayer assets including public forests, minerals and new medicines. Affordable housing are at record low levels, while the large corporate banks show record profits. Consumer debt is at a al-time high. Personal bankruptcies are at a record level. Personal savings are dropping to record lows and personal assets are extremely low. Corporate welfare dominates while small inadequate budgets provide the publics health and safety issues. Environmental regulations are removed for corporate interests. Wealth inequality is greater than at any time since World War II. The top 1 percent of the wealthiest people have more financial wealth than the bottom 90 percent of Americans combined, the worst inequality among large Western nations. And with all this, the corporate lobbyists continue to receive more privileges and immunities for their wrongdoing, while the workers, the labor parties, the populists - farmers, the environmentalists, the feminists, those that work towards civil rights - all are diminishing in great degrees.
   
   The argument against Nader is his pulling of votes away from the Democrats, resulting in Republican elections. Yet this argument is a lame duck when you put Socratic inquiry to the Democratic party and see the morphing there of into another Republican party. The two party duopoly has been called the DemRep party and the corporate control, the plutocrats, are buying the government which can result in an aristocracy and totalitarian system, this time base on radical privatization instead of state owned communism, however the end results are the same. The third party, the Greens, offer an alternative, a vote against big-money politics as usual. The duopoly offers a politics of fear - the lesser of two corrupt parties, while the third party offers a politics of home and democratic renewal And even if not the elected party, if offers itself as a constant watchdog of the Democratic party to make necessary changes.
   
   I think Nader gives a good account of the media, the third party partisan bias in American politics, the problem with the corporate directed Commission on Presidential Debates - the CPD, his campaign trail, his opposition, party funders, party loyalists and etc.
   
   On page 289 take from the New York Times: "The Green Party recognizes that every major social-justice movement in our history was made possible by a shift of more power to the people, away from the power that the few control. And it's way past time for a shift of power today from big business to the people. When slavery was abolished, shift of power from the plantations. Women's right to vote installed, that was a shift of power. Freedom to form trade unions by workers, shift of power form the industrialists to the workers. When the farmers started the progressive political movement, shift of power from the banks and the railroads to the farm areas and gave us political reforms for all Americans to enjoy to this day 100 years later. Power is the central contention of politics; that's what it's all about. If we don't have a more equitable destitution of power, there is no equitable distribution of wealth or income. And people who work hard will not get their just rewards. And the main way to shift power, if you had to have one reform is with public funding of public elections. Clean money, clean elections. Clean money and clean elections to stop the nullification of your votes by special interest money. Just thing about it; you go down to vote, you expect it to count, and the votes are cut off at the pass by fancy fund-raising dinners all over the country where fat cats pay off politicians for present and future favors and the politicians shake down the fat cats in a kind of combined symbiosis of legalized bribery and legalized extortion."
   
   "Civilization as if people are first is not just about opportunities; it is about limits and boundaries around antisocial, criminogenic behavior whose limitless logic eventually would spell omnicide for this very limited home we call Mother Earth." page 315



5. This is a good recount of the inside story of our nation and it's one party political machine. Nader talks about how hard it is for third party (or in my view second party since the first two are basically the same) candidates to make any progress in our political system. It is the democrats who lost 2000 by giving up the recount vote, not Nader. Too bad he decided to go off and do his own thing this time instead of working on forming the Gree Party. But the book is definately a must read for anyone interested in our political system.

5 comments about Last Man Standing: The Tragedy and Triumph of Geronimo Pratt.

1. I wanted to know the real scoop for years on the Geronimo Pratt case. Although I'm not yet finished reading the book, it is very obvious that Mt. Pratt got screwed, like so many others caught up in the "good old USA" system. Obviously this one is a case of racial prejudice, but it could have just as easily been some other kind of prejudice. It is clear that the concept of "innocent until proven guilty" is just a nice theory that should be strictly adhered to but rarely is. The presumed guilt is clear from the get go on the part of the police. It continues on to the top with lies and deception on the part of the police to get a conviction at any cost, especially with regard to the truth. It's frightening and a relief to know it's not me. But next time it could be me, or anyone who gets targeted by individuals in a position of power, who have no integrity, and don't give a hoot about the constitution of the US.



2. This is certainly one of the best books I've ever read. Jack Olsen did an outstanding job of weaving together all the facts in a highly readable narrative of one of the most blatant chapters of injustice in 20th century legal history.
   
   I already had considerable knowledge of the case before I read this book. In the early 1990s, the case was being publicized again. I was a reporter for Wave Newspapers in Los Angeles and journeyed with a co-worker to the state prison at Tehachapi where Pratt was then being held and we interviewed him. I then wrote several stories about his situation.
   
   Pratt was imprisoned for 27 years for a crime he clearly did not commit. The prosecution was part of the FBI's notorious COINTELPRO operation-essentially a war against numerous dissenting groups in the 1960s including the Black Panther Party. As Olsen makes clear, in Pratt's case this also involved LAPD and the L.A. County District Attorney's office.
   
   Pratt was convicted of the December 1968 Santa Monica tennis-court murder of school teacher Caroline Olsen. There was considerable doubt about the credibility of key-witness Julius Butler, who had a previous falling out with Pratt, and was later proven to be an informant. (When I was a reporter, I actually contacted Butler. He yelled that he was "tired of this" and hung up on me.) Plus, numerous other Panthers could have confirmed he was at a meeting in Oakland the day of the murder but most wouldn't testify because of a severe split in the ranks.
   
   Appeal after appeal was turned down despite more and more evidence being discovered pointing to Pratt's innocence. In all probability the crime was committed by two low-level Panther members to obtain money for drugs.
   
   That ties in with the only complaint I would make about Olsen's book. He really glossed over the fact that the FBI and police campaign against the Panthers (which I am not defending) was not just because of their militant political rhetoric. They had a lot of criminal types within the group.
   
   Regardless, this is an extraordinary book about another era and the governmental abuses of that time. Johnnie Cochran redeemed himself in my eyes by getting Pratt released. That was after he was involved in a travesty of justice, himself, by getting O.J. Simpson off. But that's another story.



3. The courage and essential goodness of Geronimo Pratt, in spite of receiving a life sentence for a crime he did not commit, is truly inspiring. This is a wonderful book.



4. Geronimo Pratt had one of the most honorable and incredible lives I have ever heard of. This book documents his entire life, from is Morgan City childhood to his unjust incarceration for the murder of Caroline Olsen. I literally had trouble putting this book down. It is a great read for anyone interested in the judicial system, the FBI's COINTELPRO, the Black Panther Party, and racism in general. READ THIS BOOK!!!



5. This book should be mandatory reading for every black person when they turn 15 years old. To read what the gov't put this man through was utterly shocking. After you read this book read "The Judas Factor - The Plot to Kill Malcolm X." You'll be numb after reading these two books back to back.

1 comments about Ho Chi Minh: A Biography.

1. A visit to the Ho Chi Minh Mausoleum (pictured on the front cover of this book) is almost de rigueur for any visitor to Hanoi, my guide hinting that not to do so would be to show disrespect. So having queued for 40 minutes or so, mercifully protected from the mid-summer sun by shade tunnels, we were admitted into the presence of the great leader, dead for 38 years.
   
   No mobile phones, cameras, even sunglasses, a couple of teenage Vietnamese girls were told off for whispering to each other, but for the most case it was a reverential shuffle around three sides of the glass casket containing Ho's carefully preserved remains and then back blinking into the sunshine to allow the thousands - and there were literally thousands - of Vietnamese and foreign tourists to take our places on this average Saturday in the national capital.
   
   The place of Ho Chi Minh in the communist pantheon is complete, more successfully achieved than that of Lenin in Russia, Mao in China and probably Kim Il-sung in North Korea where worship is a state requirement, which makes writing a biography of the man all the more difficult.
   
   Inevitably such an exalted personage is going to gather legends around him. People who never knew him are going to claim acquaintanceship, those who did will say they played a bigger part in his life than was actually the case; Ho's achievements will be magnified, his failures forgotten or squirreled away under layers of obfuscation. Pierre Brocheux has brought a lifetime of scholarly endeavour to the task of searching out the truth with only partial success.
   
   He unravels the twists and turns of Ho's early life, his rise through the ranks of the fragmented opposition to French colonial rule and his seizing of the moment in the aftermath of the Japanese occupation before France could properly reclaim its Indochinese empire.
   
   Yet at the high-point of Ho's career, with the French routed and his leadership confirmed, Brocheux seems to lose interest and the final period, when the Western World really came to know him in his struggle against the American-supported Republic of South Vietnam until his death in 1969, are skated over in a few final pages.
   
   Maybe it is because the author sees that in his last years Ho was little more than a figurehead, refusing to live in the ornate mansion that had once housed the colonial governors and instead spending his time in a few simple buildings in the area where the mausoleum now stands, wheeled out to receive visiting foreign dignitaries and heading off to China for "medical treatment" every year at his birthday to avoid the celebrations surrounding the event.
   
   The reason for Ho's sidelining by more militant elements of the North Vietnamese leadership and his apparent happy acceptance of the fact lies in his early life, where this biography is at its strongest. Ho, under a variety of names, had a cosmopolitan career, travelling to France at the age of 21, visiting the United States, spending lengthy periods in Britain (throughout most of World War I), the Soviet Union, and China and with experience of a raft of other countries including most of those in Europe, Thailand and Malaysia.
   
   While his dedication to Marxism-Leninism is undoubted (he actually helped to found the French Communist Party) Ho was a nationalist first and foremost and there are hints in these pages that he would have been willing to compromise with non-communist forces if it meant Vietnam could gain its independence without bloodshed. He was in touch with the French until the very end and it was only the intransigence of the former colonial master that led him to reluctantly accept that war was inevitable.
   
   Brocheux records an illuminating account by Ho's personal secretary, Vu Ky, of December 19, 1946 when news came that negotiations with the French had collapsed.
   
   "[Ho] frowned, remained pensive, and took a few steps toward the table where the Call to National Resistance was lying, which he had to deliver to the Party's Executive Committee that afternoon; he blurted out quietly but distinctly and categorically: `All right, we will fight'."
   
   Thereafter, Vietnam's fate was in the hands of its generals as the war against the French melded into the civil conflict with South Vietnam and the intervention of the United States, continuing until final victory in 1975 by which time Ho was long dead.
   
   Did the West misjudge Ho? Was he a man they could have dealt with, a partner for peace rather than an opponent in a long drawn-out and ultimately futile war? The Chinese always considered him something of a rightest who had to be bullied into taking the necessary steps for a fully-fledged communist state, such as the more ruthless elements of land distribution. And in a revealing 1945 conversation with an American officer, he describes Marxism-Leninism simply as a "framework" for achieving independence.
   
   Yet given the anti-communist hysteria of the time, leading to other crucial miscalculations such as the overturning of the democratically-elected Mossadegh Government in Iran in favour of the totalitarian Shah, there was really little hope that anyone would read these subtle signs, let alone seek to act on them. The real tragedy is that the lessons remain unlearnt today as the US and its allies flounder in another conflict from which they cannot extricate themselves and which seemingly has no end.

3 comments about Edmund Burke: A Genius Reconsidered.

1. In this easy to read volume Russell Kirk provides a succinct biography of "the first conservative of our time of troubles." Burke's political philosophy is clearly explained and Kirk introduces the reader to Edmund Burke the man.
   
   The book basically deals with the four major issues of Burke's life: his resistance to Jacobinism, England's relationship with the American Colonies, the prosecution of Warren Hastings, and the stifling of George III's domestic authority. Kirk provides wonderful quotes throughout the book and thorough, balanced analysis.
   
   Those looking for a critical assessment of Burke will not find it here, as Kirk, the great conservative thinker of our time, was a proponent of Burke and felt that his voice was still applicable in today's political climate. However, this does not compromise the integrity of this volume.
   
   This book is a must read for anyone interested in political theory, politics, and/or history.



2. Edmund Burke deserves better than this biography. The author Russell Kirk is full of admiration for Burke, but his unqualified praise of his subject is more deserving of a 19th century hagiography than it is a modern work. At no point in the book that I can remember does Kirk ever put anything but the most positive spin on the 18th century statesman/philosopher's actions. Burke is undoubtedly everything Kirk claims -- a great man, a genius, and his influence in both England and the United States largely underestimated - but even the greatest and wisest of men have blind spots and moments of weakness. Was Burke perhaps overzealous in his sixteen-year pursuit of Warren Hastings? Did Burke hide his Irish Catholic roots out of fear for what they could do to his ambitions if brought out in the open? Was his political philosophy less than consistent? Not according to Kirk.

   Edmund Burke: A Genius Reconsidered" does have its good points. It's well-written -- far more accessible than the Conor Cruise O'Brien biography "The Great Melody". (To be fair to O'Brien, his biography is not a straightforward work, but presents Burke's life thematically.) Kirk's book also makes some valid points about Burke's legacy, convincing the reader that Burke's philosophy is underappreciated by modern audiences. But a more balanced approach to Burke's life - without all the Great Man gloss -- would have made this point just as effectively.




3. Kirk's introduction to the life and politics of Burke is essential to understanding Edmund Burke in his time and ours. More of a Political biography than a general biography, it is still a book whose prose is very readable and understandable. A biography of a great man by a great man.