No comments about The Soft Vengeance of a Freedom Fighter, New Edition.

5 comments about Texas in the Morning: The Love Story of Madeleine Brown and President Lyndon Baines Johnson.

1. Yet another book that adds to the evidence that Lyndon Johnson and his Texas backers were behind the Kennedy assassination. Yes, you will learn more than you ever wanted to know about Johnson's bedroom skills. You will also catch a glimpse at some of the people who hated JFK and wanted him dead.
   
   This book is also a reminder that there were plenty of people in Dallas who came forward and told their stories about that day in November, knowing that it was the right thing to do. Perhaps one day America will have the courage and face the fact that Johnson took office in a coup d'etat with the suppoert of high government officials.



2. This book reminded of me a child telling a story about the excitement and fun of a carnival, and while I might appreciate the child's viewpoint and comprehension of the carnival, I had the adult's perception of knowing better and wanting more. This is a very incomplete and undocumented tale, like a child's leftover cotton candy -- a bad-tasting remnant from a trip to the carnival and a reminder of the flashing lights, the excitement, and a ride on the ferris wheel. And like a child, the author told her story without a mature understanding of what a carnival really is -- a lot of flashing bright lights, games and rides, crowds, noise, dirt, and smoke and mirrors. This book is at best, a foggy and romanticized rendition of historically important events. I truly believe that posterity will demand a clearer picture and better documentation of the claims made by the author.



3. I purchased "Texas in the Morning" directly from Madeleine Brown at her home in Dallas. She was kind enough to invite myself and the Senior Class of 2000 from Roberts High School in Roberts, Montana to her home for lunch. Madeleine was a very gracious host, seemly honest and forthright. I read her book thoroughly on the airplane on the return trip home. It was intriguing and very interesting. I question her having so much patience, but not her commitment to both this relationship and her book. An excellent book for a person with an open mind!



4. The author is no word beater when it comes to writing skills, but she obviously knew President Lyndon Johnson very well. No one reading this book could not take her seriously. Madeleine Duncan Brown was part of history. She was indeed a secret lover of LBJ. In fact, she bore and raised his only son. The most interesting passage in the book takes place on Thursday night in Dallas, Texas, November 21, 1963, at the home of Clint Murchison. Read the book for the details of that night as Johnson whispers in the author's ear, "After tomorrow those goddamn Kennedys will never emparrass me again--that's no threat--that's a promise." A must read for JFK assassination researchers.



5. If you are interested in political biography skip
   Texas in the Morning. This book reads like a bad
   dime-store romance.

   I was hoping that Madeleine Brown would have some
   insight into the character of LBJ. She doesn't.

   Don't read this book unless you are interested in
   what LBJ was like in bed.

1 comments about Makers of Contemporary Islam.

1. At present, John Esposito and John Voll are probably the most prominent writers on things Islamic in the United States. Both pair a sound academic grounding in religious studies with the ability to provide readable and balanced accounts on current affairs and important intellectual trends in the Islamic world. In 'Makers of Contemporary Islam' they present a number of Islamic thinker-activists - some of whom are quite controversial - in an empathic manner.
   In composing this book the authors have tried to strike a balance between 'pure' intellectuals and political activists. In addition to that they have endeavored to ensure a fair geographical spread as well, by including representatives from North Africa, the Arab Middle East, Iran, the Indian Subcontinent, and Southeast Asia.
   In their introductory chapter Esposito and Voll give an account of the role of the intellectual in society. This issue is addressed from both a historical and cross-cultural perspective. The writers have also included a typology of the intellectual in Islamic society: distinguishing between traditional religious scholars (the so-called Ulama), secular thinkers, and modern Muslim activist intellectuals. While the relative influence of the first group has been on the decline ever since the arrival of modernity in the Islamic world, the second group was discredited and soon overtaken by the Islamists following the defeat of the Arabs by Israel in 1967.
   The authors have emphasized the subtleties in the thought of the Islamists treated in this volume. It is made clear that all these thinkers take a critical stand towards their own cultural heritage and share an interest in dialogue and intellectual exchange with other cultures. This way a much-needed counterweight is provided for the commonly held image of Islamists as narrow-minded radical fanatics and extremists bound on a violent-ridden collision course with the West.
   The Arab Middle East is represented by a Palestinian scholar of religion, Ismail al-Faruqi, and the Egyptian philosopher Hasan Hanafi. These two thinkers share a rigorous academic training in both Islamic studies and western philosophy. Al-Faruqi, who has spent his academic career mainly in North America, was very apt at representing Islamic thought in western philosophic jargon, which may greatly contribute to its accessibility for western thinkers. In addition to that he has written penetrating books on important Islamic concepts such as the tawhid - de absolute unity of God. Al-Faruqi has also been engaged in comparative religious studies. Hanafi is a very prolific writer who has spent time in France and the United States. His most important contributions are his treatment of the concept of 'heritage' and the introduction of the phenomenon of 'the Islamic Left': a strand of Islamism that endeavors to translate critical thought into action.
   The account on Hasan al-Turabi, a leading Sudanese Islamist, is focussed more on subject's political career than his philosophy as such. Probably this is due to the fact that the authors have based themselves predominantly on earlier research conducted for the State Department. Yet again, their account is more nuanced than the usual - overly facile - qualification of Sudanese Islamism as state-sponsored terrorism. Yet they never become apologetic and clearly point out that Turabi has indeed not shied away from associating with the country's repressive regimes in order to pursue his own agenda. Esposito and Voll point out that the real influence of Turabi has by and large been limited to the local Sudanese political experience. In the intellectual field however his writings have been - and continue to be - very influential throughout the Islamic world.
   The Tunisian Rachid Ghannoushi fits in a similar mold. Probably intellectually the least powerful, he has been instrumental in articulating the importance of dialogue between 'culture zones', in order to find ways to borrow from each other's achievements and yet retain cultural authenticity.
   Moving further east we encounter the Pakistani economist Khurshid Ahmad, who has been involved in both the development of an Islamic theory of economics and the actual application thereof during his years as a cabinet member and government adviser. Khurshid Ahmad is also a key-figure in Pakistan's Jamaat-i-Islami, whose founder Mawlana al-Mawdudi has been extremely influential for the formation of Ahmad's thought and the furthering of his political career.
   A very interesting figure is the Iranian Abdolkarim Soroush (pen name of Hossein Dabbagh). A pharmacologist-turned-philosopher of science, he has been able to remain at the core of Iran's Revolutionary establishment and yet maintain a controversial stand regarding the impact of Islam on science and politics. In this respect he takes an interesting position through his distinction between religion and 'knowledge of religion', which is very much informed by his expertise in textual studies and profound understanding of poetics. Maybe most surprising is Soroush negative attitude towards Iran's 'Mullahcracy'.
   Two of Southeast Asia's most influential islamically oriented politicians are also included in this book. Not only do they share a common cultural-geographic origin and rather similar outlook, but both have also fallen from political grace. Anwar Ibrahim, a former Malaysian Deputy Prime Minister and anointed successor of Mahathir, is serving a long-term prison sentence for alleged corruption and sexual misconduct. Abdurrahman Wahid, long-time leader of the Nahdatul Ulama (NU), was impeached as president of Indonesia and forced to resign.
   The only female in this book is Maryam Jameelah; an American woman of Jewish extraction, who decided to embrace Islam and has since then made a name as a writer on traditional Islamic values. I wonder if the authors could not have identified another female intellectual, who is more representative for women Islamists.
   In conclusion, 'Makers of Contemporary Islam' is an informed and balanced contribution to the growing body of books on the role of Islam in defining relations between cultures and in international politics.

5 comments about When I Was a Kid, This Was a Free Country.

1. The fact that Liddy, a certified psychotic, self-immolator, convicted felon and Radio Talk show host (I think somehow these are all redundant), can get a voice in the national dialogue is proof that freedom of speech in our country somehow must actually work.
   
   But more importantly, either Liddy makes a great deal of sense sometimes; or I have been drinking too much of the "Talk Radio" Kool aide. As but one example, his discussion in chapter six on the differences between the sexes in which he advances the notion "that it is idiotic to accept the idea that the only difference between men and women is their plumbing and that plumbing is of no significance," is priceless.
   
   And although there is very little else that I agree with in this book (certainly Blacks were not free when he was a kid), Liddy still "tells it like it is" and is nobody's fool. What this book shows, as much as anything else, is that maybe in the end it is not Liddy that is the only psychotic, but also the twisted and contradictory rules of our culture.
   
   Two stars



2. This book clearly shows how over time Liberals are removing one freedom after another. They remove a little at a time so as not to be noticed. Then years pass and we realize "what happened"? This is why it is so important to fight everyday for your freedom and to not give up any part of it. Americans better realize what the process is and how to spot it and stop it. Not only that, but to correct past curtailments on Freedom....If we Americans do not protect Freedom? We will have no more left...A good story on how not doing anything about constant infringements on Freedom is below:
   
   "In Germany, they came first for the Communists, and I didn't speak up because I wasn't a Communist;
   And then they came for the trade unionists, and I didn't speak up because I wasn't a trade unionist;
   And then they came for the Jews, and I didn't speak up because I wasn't a Jew;
   And then . . . they came for me . . . And by that time there was no one left to speak up."



3. Why did I buy this book?I don't know.I did want to read "Will" but this is now hard to find and appears to be out of print. Why? I don't know.It is interesting to note his selected problems facing society and his solutions.Particularly amusing were his views on global warming and fuel efficient cars.True it is his right to drive a bunch of gas guzzlers but this was written over 5 years ago.I wonder what he would say now that gas is going to $4.00 a gallon.Your kids school stinks?, no problem,put them in private school.That's great if you can afford it.Guns,the military and relationships are addressed with their inherent problems.I was hoping for more tangible suggestions or ideas to work with here.Sadly,they did not appeal to me and appeared shallow,not well thought out and had little relavent substance.Don't get me wrong,he does present some good concerns which I do tend to agree with but he could have presented them more comprehensively.I respect his longing for the old days but the world is truly a different place now and his proposals just won't cut it with all the damn liberals today.His dislike of government is made quite clear and his views of less control,taxation and restriction over the population is about the only thing I can wholeheartedly agree with.There is also a chapter on Watergate with clarifications of some issues with it.It didn't seem to belong here and had trouble wondering why it was included.Plus,does anybody care about Watergate anymore? If your a Liddy fan then I guess this one is for you but his comparisons of the country then and now are quaint but on the whole,don't inspire at all with views that are sadly out of date. Save your money.



4. Good book w/ great details of things eroded to where they are...



5. First, it is clear that most of the poor opinions of this book are from reviewers who never actually devoted time to reading it and have merely based their reviews on a preconceived notion of the author (particularly ones that contain the word "Bush" in any context other than possible references to shrubbery).
   Liddy has always been that loyal right-wing kind of soul that doesn't mince words when it comes to FREEDOM. In a post 9/11 age, Liddy's ideals (so far as this book is concerned) warrant additional consideration.
   I was initially intrigued by the author's role in Watergate, but agreed with many of his revelations about the erosion of basic freedoms in American society.
   This book isn't an intellectual analysis of our guaranteed freedoms or "RIGHTS" cataloged in dusty historical documents; it is a reflection on the deterioration of American testicular fortitude in attitudes and principles since WWII.
   While the U.S. has been worried about "Big Brother," "Big Mother" has sneaked in to wipe our collective behinds and keep us from hurting ourselves.
   Liddy is a gung-ho, old school, ball buster with a definite axe to grind, he's served time for his crimes if not his principles and I enjoyed this book.
   There's some typical conservative grandstanding, but I think it's healthy and a balanced mind and attitude will see those parts for what they are.
   I'm less than half Liddy's age and I can say without a second thought that even when I was a kid this country seemed a lot more free than today.
   REVIEW EVERY BOOK YOU READ, AUTHORS AND OTHER READERS DESERVE YOUR OPINIONS.

1 comments about Blacklisted: The Film Lover's Guide to the Hollywood Blacklist.

1. Blacklisted: The Film Lover's Guide To The Hollywood Blacklist is the collaboratively effort of Paul Buhle and Dave Wagner and an alphabetically arranged encyclopedia of entries concerning the films, directors, stars, writers, producers, designers, and others who suffered being blacklisted because of the House Un-American Activities Committee during their infamous Hollywood blacklist era. Over 2000 entries point the reader in the direction of grand works that were covered in shadow during a dangerous time in American history, including films such as "Roman Holiday" and "Bridge on the River Kwai". Blacklisted is a welcome and greatly appreciated contribution to Cinematic Studies reference collections.

5 comments about Stealing Lincoln's Body.

1. If history is a mighty river, this book is about one of the smaller eddies. Books of this type can be great fun and provide a view that you seldom see. We all know the story of Lincoln's murder, state funeral and the train to Springfield. What we do not know is the story of Lincoln's body, how Springfield tried to capitalize on it and how it came to a final resting place.
   Along the way, the author treats us to a short history of the Secret Service, Counterfeiting, Lincoln's wife and son. This is included in a look at the underworld in Illinois, manners and morals. These little side trips place the main story in the larger picture providing a more complete story.
   The main story is what happened to Lincoln's body from 1865 to 1901. The attempt to steal the body, while important, is only part of the story. Springfield's attempts to make a tourist attraction and Mary Lincoln's plans collide at once. Robert Lincoln is detached but involved making him a question mark for history. Lincoln's associates, Springfield's leading citizens, members of the underworld, fear, greed and respect all combine in history that reads like a novel.
   This is an easy and fun read. The author has a very readable style that can move from subject to subject with few problems. He has the ability to produce word portraits of the people that make them understandable. This is well worth reading for Civil War buffs, Lincoln admirers and those that enjoy history.



2. You can tell by the title that this is going to be a weird book, especially since it's nonfiction. Thomas Craughwell does a great job of telling the story of the man who not once, but twice, tried to steal President Abraham Lincoln's body and hold it for ransom.
   
   The book was a smooth read and interesting. However, I think Craughwell might have padded it a bit with history that wasn't directly related to the story. While I found the history of U.S. counterfeiting interesting, it distracted from the story.
   
   It's an unusual story that you will enjoy reading, though. I hope Craughwell comes up with another story just as good.



3. Bungling thieves who fail in an attempted heist, and bungling cops who eventually catch them, might seem to be improbable subjects for a detailed book on the whole botched affair. There is no lack of interesting detail, however, in _Stealing Lincoln's Body_ (Belknap / Harvard). Thomas J. Craughwell has illuminated a bizarre crime, and has also cast light on many subjects that would seem unconnected to it but all of which are brought in to play their parts. The crime itself was a petty affair, not just a failure; it was hardly even begun before it was halted. Craughwell's spirited story, however, takes in the history of counterfeiting and embalming in America, grave robbing, the founding of the Secret Service, the rural cemetery movement, the Pullman strikes, and much more. It is a tribute to Craughwell's narrative skill that this story of a small, ghoulish, thwarted crime can hold all the digressions and show how the diverse themes are all connected.
   
   Craughwell's story starts with Lincoln's death. Even if there had been no grave-robbing, Lincoln's was among the best travelled and most fussed-over of cadavers, so there is a description of the history of embalming here, and of the body's travels to Springfield, Illinois. Then Craughwell gives us the history of American counterfeiting, an activity that was busily pursued long before we had our own currency. The reason that this is a justifiable digression in the story is that it was counterfeiters that plotted the theft of Lincoln's corpse, and the Secret Service that took charge of bringing them in. A big crook hired minor crooks for the job of getting Lincoln's corpse for ransom, and they took on a small-time crook to help them in their effort, only he was a stool-pigeon for the Secret Service which had been put on alert after the first conspirators fled. Thus, on election day in 1876, the conspirators took the tour of the Lincoln mausoleum, with the custodian fully aware of who they were and why they were there. They returned that night, ill-equipped to saw through the one padlock that secured the place, and when they finally got in and broke into the sarcophagus, they found the lead and cedar coffin too heavy to carry. They were relieved from having to do so by the Secret Service which was lying in wait for them in stocking feet so that their footsteps didn't echo in the tomb chamber. Unfortunately, one of the detectives accidentally fired his pistol, alerting the would-be grave robbers who got away. This left the lawmen nothing to do but engage in a futile hunt within the cemetery, and along the way mistakenly shoot at each other, with aim fortunately as bad as the rest of their night's doings. No one was hurt.
   
   The perpetrators were eventually caught and imprisoned in Joliet prison. The wild story of the attempted theft in the graveyard was buried beneath the bigger story of the attempted theft (by both Republicans and Democrats) of the Tilden / Hayes election. Also, the story of the tomb robbers was simply too incredible for the public to believe. Lincoln's body did not rest easily for some further decades. The custodians within the secret fraternal organization the Lincoln Guard of Honor decided to keep it safe by secretly burying it in the basement of the mausoleum, allowing tourists to continue to be moved by viewing an empty sarcophagus. (Rumors flew around Springfield that the tomb was empty.) Mary Todd Lincoln joined him there after her death in 1882. The custodians opened the coffin in 1887 to make sure it was really Lincoln in there and then reburied it. There was a final reburial in 1901, and the style of reburial was borrowed from that of George Pullman, who because of his relations with labor at his company was one of the most despised men in America and who fretted that his own grave would be robbed. The Lincolns, with the blessing of their son Robert, were encased in lead, then in a cage of steel, and then in tons of cement. It's a good bet that they will rest in peace now, but the story does not quite end there. The sarcophagus that had previously held the body was being held for history's sake when the tomb was repaired in 1930. The sarcophagus was left outside, and was smashed to bits by vandals, parts of it carried off, possibly for souvenirs. Perhaps it was as close to robbing the graves as the vandals could get. Craughwell's wide-ranging, brightly written history puts this and other bizarre incidents into context. The story of Lincoln postmortem is surprisingly full of lively incidents and hilarious, macabre folly.



4. [...]
   
   I give the writer 4 stars for this historical account of an incident that I had never heard of before. His numerous footnotes added credence to the fact that this absurd attempt to kidnap our dead President's body was carefully planned, and would have been successful had it not been for the efforts of the Lincoln Memorial attendants, who hid the body until a permanant resting place could be completed.
   
   A great tale to add to the sometimes unbelievable events that are part of our great American heritage.



5. Avoid this book, unless you are stranded on a desert island and you have nothing else to read. the basic story while interesting, could have been told in about 20 pages. the author was not able to engage me as a reader. his story rambles all over the place and is detailed to a fault. plus it is rarely colorful enough to make one care. even though the book is relatively short, it is still much too long.

3 comments about The Stevensons: A Biography of an American Family.

1. It is important to keep in mind that this is not a biography of Adlai, the most famous of Stevensons. Baker examines his family and his place within that family's development...as well as his place within the American political system. I grew up in Chicago in a family of Democrats who adored FDR and, later, Adlai Stevenson. (They really didn't know quite what to make of Truman nor, for that matter, did Truman know quite what to make of Stevenson.) I begn to follow Stevenson's career when he was governor of Illinois, delighted by his dry wit. Unlike Lincoln's, his career did not lead from Springfield to the White House. His manner was that of a patrician and his demeanor that of an intellectual. (Eisenhower once called him an "egghead.") On occasion, he seemed to lack an appetite for politics or at least for campaigning for public office. Thanks to Baker, I now have a much better understanding of his Scottish ancestry, of his youth, and of the formative years preceding his governship. Contrary to what the elders in my family firmly believed, Stevenson was no saint. For me, that makes him all-the-more interesting. Perhaps his finest moment in public life occurred when, as our ambassador to the U.N., he challenged the ambassador from the U.S.S.R. to admit that it had deployed missiles in Cuba. That took courage and eloquence which Stevenson possessed in abundance. So many fine books have been written about the Kennedys, the Rockefellers, and the Roosevelts. Another family, the Stevensons, has now received the attention it deserves.



2. "The Stevensons" is a sweeping story of the American experience, a story of a great American family.

   Jean Baker begins the story of the Stevenson saga with Adlai Stevenson II's 1948 campaign for governor in Illinois. As the popular governor is about to run for the presidency in 1952, the author takes readers back to governor's ancestors, following the family's migration to America - moving from Pennsylvania to the Carolinas, on to Kentucky and eventually to Bloomington, Illinois -- a sweeping and inspiring journey.

   While the book's focus is Adlai Stevenson II, two time Democratic presidential candidate in 1952 and 1956, the family biography thoroughly recounts the life and political career of his famous grandfather, Adlai Stevenson I (1835-1914), a Democratic Party icon in 19th century Illinois politics.

   Of special interest to those who remember Adlai Stevenson II's two campaigns for the presidency and his tenure as U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, the book presents the complexities of the personality of probably the best known liberal of the post-World War II era.

   The only missing link in the story is the period between 1956 and 1960.

   Among all the tragic figures in this saga, Adlai Stevenson II, although flawed, shines with a luster that will be remembered as a liberal statesman head and shoulders above his contemporaries.

   The author lists 35 interviews and has included 74 pages of bibliographic




3. Jean Baker's chronicle of the Stevenson family contains Baker's usual hallmarks-- thought-provoking sagacity, a remarkable ability to objectively look at all issues from all angles, and research that in its scope and accuracy is second to none. The Stevensons should be required reading for all Americans who care about postwar American politics and culture. An excellent piece of work by one of America's outstanding biographers.

2 comments about John Witherspoon and the Founding of the American Republic.

1. I come to this book by way of personal invitation, in fact scan down to the review labelled:
   A significant book on a neglected founder, February 4, 2006
   Reviewer: Alex Morden (Tucson, AZ, USA)
   
   it is his copy of the book that i have in hand. and if you haven't read his review, do it now. It is much more interesting and thorough than is mine.
   The book is basically a historical monograph, written to professional historians, to convince them to research Witherspoon. The theme of the book is on the next to the last page: "Perhaps more than any other single founder, Witherspoon embodied all of the major intellectual and social elements behind the American founding. This was partly circumstantial: Witherspoon was literally peerless among his founding brothers when it came to combining religious, education, and politics, and seldom in American history have so many key vocations been joined in one man. Witherspoon therefore offers us a chance that is genuinely incomparable, to trace the outlines of the american mind at the foundating..." Essentially i feel like an outsider reading over someone's shoulder with this book, it is addressed to and engages with professional historians. However it is not so dry nor so uninteresting a book that many of us amateurs can not gain from reading what is a short introduction to both the American Revolutionary War themes and Witherspoon, but beware it is not an exciting historical novel set in the same period. *grin*
   
   If you are looking to see if this book ought to be on your shelf, just read the first chapter, it is a read from front to back type of book. Mostly because he does not repeat himself and you'll miss something if you don't read it in this manner. I found myself getting up from my easy reading chair and googling people and writings by name, it is a well researched and documented book, as befits the audience and the purpose, so read with a pen or highlighter in hand. It is not an extensive introduction to Witherspoon, it is a tease, a hint of what could be done if Witherspoon got more academic attention, it is not the last word, it is the first word.
   
   So What? should i drop everything and study to become a Witherspoon expert? Maybe someone with the right outlook and right experience might very well read this book and do so, but i am not encouraged to do so. This book is enough Witherspoon for me, i pulled perhaps 50 quotes out of the book. Had a few nice thoughts about how theology and in particular, reformed and Presbyterian theology was influential beyond its numbers in both the lead up to the Revolutionary War and it its aftermath and constitution writing period. But this is not my major interest in history just an aside, if it is your interest this may rate an important read.
   
   The one big idea that i will take away is "the great effect of Scottish Philosophy especially in its Common Sense forms and its in particular it's effect on moral philosophy, and the rejection of divine right of kings, and religious liberty for dissenters" see: pg 127, this way the book firms up a few things i've read in Mark Noll and George Marsden and now i have the name Witherspoon to research more throughly if i desire. Plus because of the extensive apparatus of the book, it becomes an entry point into the literature, certainly a reason not only to own the book but to keep it in mind. So i don't feel that i wasted my time on the book, but it did not strike me like it did the person i borrowed it from, as a book worth recommending and pursuing. However i would like to write better reviews and i will take the one referred to above as an excellent example of how to write a book review.



2. Among the American Founding Fathers, it is unlikely that there is a man more influential and yet less well known and studied than Dr. John Witherspoon. Prof. Morrison seeks to help correct this neglect in this brief volume. Dr. John Witherspoon was a Scottish Presbyterian minister who came to America in the late 1760s to become the President of the College of New Jersey (now Princeton University), where he played an active and influential role in American politics, religion and education in the last quarter of the eighteenth century. He was the only minister to sign both the Declaration of Independence and to ratify the Constitution. He was probably Madison's most influential teacher, and, despite his staunch Christian orthodoxy, appears to have enjoyed universally high regard by the other founders, even those such as Franklin and Jefferson who had little use for Biblical Christianity. This book gives an excellent account of a number of interesting aspects of Witherspoon's life and thought.
   
   Chapter 1 gives an overview of the importance of Witherspoon's career in America, including excerpts referring to him from the writings of many of his contemporaries on both sides of the Atlantic. It discusses the significance of his religious alignment, which was orthodox, Reformed, Biblical, Presbyterian Christianity, and how Witherspoon's stature in the colonies influenced the major role that Presbyterians played in the independence movement (King George III called the American Revolution the "Presbyterian rebellion"). The chapter closes by discussing some reasons why Witherspoon has been largely ignored by scholars, such as a scarcity of surviving material, and the fact that most modern scholars will feel very uncomfortable being reminded of a prominent Christian minister who played such an active and influential role in early American politics and who saw no distinction between his religious and his political activities (Witherspoon always insisted on wearing his clerical robes when he attended the Continental Congress).
   
   Chapter 2 examines Witherspoon's religious views, and especially the role that he saw religion playing in the new United States. Witherspoon believed in political freedom of conscience, following the framers of the Westminster Confession, who say that "God alone is lord of the conscience." Nevertheless, he also shared the view common to the founders, that liberty, virtue and faith were equally indispensable in the foundation of a happy society. Witherspoon wrote that "Statesmen may plan and speculate for liberty, but it is religion and morality alone, which can establish the principles upon which freedom can securely stand." Despite his belief in personal religious liberty, Witherspoon could write that "those who are vested with civil authority ought also, with much care, to promote religion and good morals among all under their government" and that "Nothing is more certain than that a general profligacy and corruption of manners make a people ripe for destruction."
   
   Chapter 3 discusses Witherspoon's influence as an educator, and the central place that education had in his day, when its importance for the prosperity and happiness of a nation was viewed as second only to religion. It examines his moral and philosophical teachings, which were drawn largely from Scottish common sense philosophy, and tended strongly toward pragmatism, which became a hallmark not only of early American politics, but also of American life and culture in general.
   
   Chapter 4 considers Witherspoon's role in the American revolution, in terms of both his activities and his theological and philosophical views of liberty and resistance theory. Witherspoon saw little or no distinction between religious and civil tyranny. As a result, his idea of revolution was founded on John Calvin's right of resistance outlined in the Institutes of the Christian Religion, but was also influenced heavily by Locke's generalization of Calvin's idea to civil resistance.
   
   Chapter 5 investigates Witherspoon's activity surrounding the development of the founding documents, including his vocal role at the Continental Congress and his advocacy of a strong and lasting union of the states. It discusses parallels between Witherspoon's writings and The Federalist Papers, his positions on economic questions, and his active role in the formation of the national Presbyterian Church in the United States and the drafting of the Presbyterian Constitution in 1787. In this context, Morrison discusses many of the parallels between the U.S. federal government and Presbyterian government, and he talks about Witherspoon's view of the very limited role that the federal government ought to play (he considered that the scope of the federal government was so limited that a permanent federal city was not a question of pressing importance).
   
   The sixth and final chapter of Morrison's book explores Witherspoon's relation to early American political thinking. It compares his ideas with those of other founders, and it looks at his influence on thinkers such as Madison. In particular, one idea central to Witherspoon's thought that was shared by many of the founders and influential in the framing of the Constitution was the Calvinistic idea of the sinfulness of human nature. The final chapter also considers the influence of various political theorists in early American politics, and discusses the strong pragmatic and empirical spirit that characterized the political views of Witherspoon and the other founders.
   
   If, as Morrison writes, "perhaps more than any other single founder, Witherspoon embodied all of the major intellectual and social elements behind the American founding", it is only to be hoped that we may soon have available a thorough biography of this "forgotten founder" to go along with Morrison's fine volume covering his political and social importance. However, in this oppressive age of political correctness, it is doubtful that a conservative Presbyterian minister will receive too much attention, however influential he may have been. This is an excellent book, and Morrison's rigorous scholarship is consistently obvious in the thorough footnotes (nearly 100 pages of the brief 220 page volume are devoted to appendices, footnotes, bibliography, and index). If you are serious about understanding the early development of the United States, this book will not disappoint you.

5 comments about Barry Goldwater.

1. It has been said that Barry Goldwater ran for President in 1964 but was elected in 1980. This refers to the fact that he set the stage for the movement, back in the 1960's, that set the stage for the Reagan revolution in 1980. Goldwater energized a base of largely young conservatives and brought a whole new great of people into the process.
   
   The book also tells us a lot of details of Goldwater's early life. Most people probably don't realize the he is of Jewish heritage. He worked hard his entire life to get where he was. This is a strong contrast with the Kennedy family and many others (including George W. Bush) who were children of wealth.
   
   The book gives an excellent account of Goldwater's entire career including his retirement in 1987....such that he ever really completely retired.
   
   It is a faily well balanced book.....at least compared to most others. It is clear, as others have said, that Goldberg approaches the subject from the left. But it doesn't spoil the contents of the book and he doesn't revise history or distort Goldwater's record. It is a fairly good account of a great man's life!



2. Few people have had the impact on the American political scene that Barry Goldwater made in his career. Born into one of the wealthiest families in Arizona, his embrace of the Western myth and his opposition to increased role the government played in economic management after the Great Depression (one influenced by his experience managing the family's chain of local department stores) combined to shape his political philosophy. After service in the Army Air Force in World War II, he entered politics and became a leader of the effort to "clean up" the Phoenix city government - though Goldberg writes that, as most of the members of the effort themselves acknowledged, the charges of civic corruption that led to their victory were largely overstated.
   
   Upon winning election to the United States Senate in 1952, Goldwater quickly emerged as one of its most prominent conservatives, becoming chair of the Senate Republican Campaign Committee just three years later. The role played to Goldwater's gift for marketing, and he quickly developed a national following among thousands of Americans. He benefited as well from the emergence of a new radical right, fueled by growing concerns over race and embodied in organizations like the John Birch Society. With the publication of his 1960 book Conscience of a Conservative, Goldwater cemented his position as the leading figure of the movement, their natural candidate for the presidency.
   
   Goldwater got his chance in 1964. With the front-runner for the Republican nomination, Nelson Rockefeller, politically damaged by his divorce and remarriage, Goldwater was the front-runner. He accepted the nomination at a convention that Goldberg terms "the Woodstock of American conservatism," with a speech that galvanized his supporters. Goldwater's nomination became a pivotal moment in the history of the Republican Party. While Goldwater himself was defeated in the subsequent campaign by Lyndon Johnson (who succeeded in depicting Goldwater as an unstable reactionary ideologue), his candidacy signaled the party's ideological, social, and political shift away from its traditional base in the Northeast towards its new home in the South and West.
   
   Yet Goldberg sees Goldwater's candidacy as the high-water mark of his role as a conservative leader, as he began moving away from the ideas of the radical right and towards a more libertarian style of conservatism. Though he returned to the Senate in 1968, his support for Nixon's opening of relations with China and his backing of Gerald Ford over Ronald Reagan in their race for the Republican nomination in 1976 led many former Goldwater supporters to turn on their former champion. By the 1980s, Goldwater had become a leading opponent of the growing role of the religious right in the Republican Party, and he remained an uncomfortable gadfly after his retirement from the Senate in 1987 by speaking out against many of the actions of the party he did so much to change.
   
   Goldberg's biography offers a balanced examination of the senator's life and career that is welcome. He avoids the hagiography of earlier works, which distorted or excluded some of the details of Goldwater's life so as to better fit their image of a conservative paradigm. Though such information as Goldwater's financial donations to Planned Parenthood and his personal efforts to support civil rights (which he disguised so as not to alienate voters in the South) may call his reputation for honesty and bluntness into question, the result is a better understanding of the man and his role in the rise of American conservatism after the Second World War.



3. This biography is well written and researched. Unfortunately, it becomes painfully clear at times that the author, Robert Alan Goldberg, is writing from the Left. The book's strengths lie in his discussion of Goldwater's family history and upbringing. On the other hand, Goldberg's rants on Goldwater's racial complacency get old after a couple chapters, and do not relent. Goldberg essentially accuses Goldwater of turning a blind eye to racism, but then defends him by saying he himself was not racist.

   Of course Goldwater was not racist. He did not "accomodate" racism, either...Goldwater just wasn't a "Civil Rights" activist like Goldberg, but then again, who is Goldberg to judge a man such as Barry Goldwater? When he sticks to the facts, this book is good. When he strays, it is awkward. Overall, though, its at least worth borrowing from the local library.




4. Barry Goldwater,as someone once pointed out, last name speaks of the 2 most important things in the American west. this biography,meticulous in its balance,shows Goldwater from his lonely days as a western conservative ina republican party dominated with eastern power and money{how wird does that sound now?],to his latter days a conscience of the conservaties,who found little to cheer about from the new right who claimed its parnetage to him.From his biting prescience on LBJ and Vietnam, to his condemnation of modern politcs,Goldwater was an original.truly .Would his vision and sheer balls be available on this convuluted and viscious landscape of politics today.Very,very well written,balanced,nuanced biography of a seminal figure of modern america.



5. Goldberg's biography is the definitive work on Mr. Conservative, Barry Goldwater. Essential reading for anyone interested in Goldwater and an excellent reminder that Goldwater's brand of conservatism is a far cry from the conservatism of the religious right. The book is a balanced view of the man from Arizona written by a scholar with an engaging and highly readable writing style.

5 comments about George and Laura: Portrait of an American Marriage.

1. This book is wonderfully written, very insightful, and I would highly recommend it to anyone who was looking to learn more about the lives of the President and First Lady. I was so enthralled while reading it, I could hardly put it down.



2. A puzzling minor error: page 42 says "Blacks (in Midland, TX) went to their own schools, not to Sam Houston Elementary. There were separate waiting rooms for them at the courthouse..." However page 46 says "there were no blacks in town then -- I mean none."



3. The best part of this wonderful tribute to commercial marriage was the sound effects CD. I mean how often do you get to hear Laura and George grunt. I tell you, it gave me the shivers. Then, when I thought it couldn't get any better I found the scratch and sniff section. That was too much. I was beyond redemption at that point. Frankly, I don't know how they are able to sell this gem for so little. I suppose they stiffed the ghost writer. (Do you think it was Lynn Cheney?) Anyway, if you want a presidential grunt and sniff fest for you very own bedroom then this is the book for you. I've literally gotten minutes of pleasure from this book and so has my peeping Tom neighbor, Alonzo, downstairs.



4. A wonderfully written book, showing that old fashion marriage, love & respect are still alive In America.
   The love and respect they have for one another is so evident. Being in the spotlight doesn't stop this beautiful couple from showing the love and respect they have for one another. It shows a book will hold your interest without it having to be filled with sexual thoughts and actions. Loved the book and believe others will as well. Good old fashion love story.



5. I started reading this book on a Friday night and finished it on Saturday. It is such a welcoming look at a real marriage portrayole. It reminded me so much of my husband and myself, who also will be married 27 years this July. My Daughter read it first, brought it to me, now my son and husband are agruing who gets to read it next! Christopher Andersen did a great and explicit job of portraying these two intoxicating, loving, yet determined individuals in this book. Hats off to you. What a great read. I recomment this one at 5 stars!