5 comments about Killer Angel: A Short Biography of Planned Parenthood's Founder, Margaret Sanger.

1. It's easy to understand the motives, purpose, and actions of Planned Parenthood in light of its founder. Short, easy to read, and helpful for pro-lifers who are fighting PP at any level.



2. The only thing worse than this book, is someone actually believing it to be based on facts. It is a wicked defamation of Ms Sanger's character for the author to express a pro-life platform.
   
   "No woman can call herself free who does not own and control her own body. No woman can call herself free until she can choose conscientiously whether she will or will not be a mother." --Margaret Sanger



3. This is an excellent primer and succinct summary of the truth about the origins of "Planned Parenthood." Anyone who wants to know the truth about America's disgraceful abortion mills, should begin with this book. You can trust Grant to tell you the truth, in contrast to the communist propaganda we usually get fed! Thank you George!



4. There's no original research here; as is clear from the footnotes, the author has just taken material from standard biographies of Sanger and used it to present her in the most negative light possible. Sanger did favor eugenics (as did most people in her era), and she was a socialist, and she had a rather unorthodox family life. There isn't much argument about the facts. But to use these facts to portray her as a monster of iniquity (and a worse murderer than Stalin or Hitler) is just silly. Actually, Sanger's work has almost certainly reduced the incidence of abortion by making birth control more accessible and reliable.



5. Her views were just as monstrous as Hitler's, because they came from the same philosophical genetic line of thinking. Her own words condemn her. She indeed targeted the poor and down-trodden of society with the same views as the Third Reich. She saw the black community as hitler saw the disabled of Germany "useless eaters." Read this book to find out what she really believed. Don't just listen to the emotional-laden lies of Planned Parenthood and their misinformed rabble,[..]
   
   I've never seen pro abortionists deal with the real facts concerning Margaret Sanger. The facts are presented in books like "Killer Angel," but they can't "handle" the facts. All they can do is appeal to the emotions-- "Oh the starving children..." etc. So... their solution is that the children are better off dead, than starving! Good argument!? No. Stupid argument -- just an appeal to the emotions. "Starving Children?" "Abused Children?" Why change the argument? No one said that anti-abortionists were pro starvation or pro abuse. What greater abuse can you have than the killing of innocent children? What you actually have is a promoting and philosophical acceptance of, and practice of genocide for convenience-sake. Shame on anyone who would try to defend what Margaret Sanger said and lived for. You may as well try to defend Hitler himself!

4 comments about Revolt in Paradise (Griffin Paperback).

1. Revolt in Paradise is a classic and it is good to see it in print again after a long absence. It is rather hard to classify this book: maybe autobiography, perhaps historical novel, possibly adventure story. On the face of it, it purports to be autobiographical: the story of a British-born American woman's fifteen years in Indonesia in the 1930s and 1940s. Doubt has been cast on its accuracy and indeed the author beings the book by saying, `It is always difficult to be completely honest about oneself'. This does not matter. It's a great story.
   
   The story is divided into three parts. The first part tells of her time in Bali. In 1932 in Hollywood she saw the film Bali,The Last Paradise and shortly after set sail from New York on a cargo ship. She was an artist and made for Bali immediately after arriving in Java. Like all visitors at that time she stayed in the Dutch owned Bali Hotel in Denpasar. She felt, however, that this was not Bali but Holland, part of the colonial masters' country, and determined to leave as quickly as possible and live in a Balinese village. Such a thing was unheard of in those days but she hated the Dutch attitudes. She took off in her car, driving herself, and decided to stop when she ran out of petrol. The car happened to halt outside a Rajah's palace and although she does not mention it I have it on good authority that it was the palace of Bangli.
   
   She was accepted as one of the family and given a Balinese name - K'tut Tantri. K'tut is the fourth-born child - the Rajah already had three. In this section she describes what it was like to live with a royal family. She describes the various ceremonies she attended and trips she took. She also tells of run-ins and arguments with the Dutch authorities. They did not approve and schemed to deport her, but never succeeded. Her analysis is not terribly profound - the Balinese are all wonderful and the Dutch are all terrible. She herself is heroic and brilliant at all things. She formed a very close relationship with the Rajah's son Agung Nura. My informant tells me that she formed an even closer relationship with the Rajah himself. Agung Nura was active in the independence movement, which K'tut Tanri later joined.
   
   She found palace life a bit restrictive and unrepresentative of real Bali life and moved out and as she put it, `bought practically the whole of Kuta beach'. Here she put up a hotel in partnership with some Americans. This is a delightful section of the book despite the fact that she fell out with the Americans. The accounts of her relationships with her staff are endearing and clearly affectionate. The first hotel in Kuta seems to have been very popular. It was not a financial success, however, and she ran into difficulties with the Dutch authorities. Europe was at war. Germany invaded Holland and Japan invaded Indonesia - they landed in Bali first. The Dutch did not fire a shot in defence and fled to Java. It was no longer safe. K'tut Tantri left for Surabaya in East Java. The hotel was demolished by looters permitted by the Japanese.
   
   The second section of the book recounts her time in Japanese occupied Java. The Dutch quickly surrendered. She was able to negotiate travel passes with the Japanese and helped the underground resistance movement against the Japanese. She narrates stories of arms smuggling and tales of derring-do. K'tut Tanti always plays a starring role. Finally she was caught and imprisoned for more than two years until almost the end of the war. She was tortured and the descriptions are quite harrowing.
   
   The third and final section of the book describes the long independence struggle and her part in it. After the war the Dutch wanted to come back to Indonesia as overlords. The English helped them and bombed Surabaya, which was unarmed and did not have air-raid shelters, for three consecutive days. The blood of hundreds was shed. Women and children died. It was a turning point for K'tut Tantri and she determined to help the Indonesians again. She broadcast twice nightly in English from secret radio stations run by the guerillas. By this means she brought the struggle to the attention of the World and became known herself as Surabaya Sue. She also helped spread the word in an English language magazine called The Voice of Free Indonesia. She met and wrote a speech for President Sukarno. There were more cloak and dagger escapades until she went to Australia and toured the main cities publicizing Indonesia's case for freedom. Finally six years after the War ended World opinion forced the Dutch to grant Indonesia her independence.
   
   The book ends there; K'tut Tanti drifts back to New York. After all the excitement it is rather an anti-climax and the reader is left dangling wanting to know more. Whether or not it is all true, it's a jolly good read.
   
   Murni
   Ubud, Bali



2. I was surprised to learn about the Dutch atrocities in Indonesia. The Japanese were bad enough and there are plenty accounts of their inhumane treatment of natives in conquered countries. However, what the Dutch did before and after the war was not good. In light of the current times torturing of others is unacceptable. Perps, no matter where they reside, White House included, should never be given a free pass on this behavior. They should all be hunted down and punished for their crimes against humanity. This is a fantastic account of human tragedy that should be brought to light and pursued for accountability.



3. As a fan of historical fiction, I was greatly pleased to come across this book of historical...history? *grin* This autobiography is well written and compelling. Having lived in Indonesia for a number of years (and having visited Bali), I found it really fascinating. I think anyone would enjoy it, though. It's a great way to familiarize yourself with world history.



4. Very good book. Tells a fascinating story about the author's life in Indonesia. Brave lady who was willing to risk everything for all she believed in.Vivid picture of Bali and the situation there, and the people and culture.

4 comments about Black Jack Logan: An Extraordinary Life in Peace and War.

1. No one remembers him today and few historians see fit to shine their light his way, but John Logan was a crucial player of that morally gray and turbulent time, the American nineteenth century.
   
   As a War Democrat, he was one of the few 'political generals' to demonstrate combat effectiveness in the field, and his role in the 1864 Western campaign was pivotal. But more than that, his personal oddyssey from tepid unionist to a practioner of hard war, and from northern racist to a champion of black freedom, his life personified the Nation's own transformation.
   
   Gary Ecelbarger's fine work has done something unique. With Logan present at the great events from Civil War battlefields to Abraham Lincoln's private council to post war, hard knuckle politics, Ecelbarger brings this pugnacious general to life, and in so doing greatly enhances our own understanding of time from Southern Succession, to War, to Reconstruction and on into the Gilded Age.
   
   This is a very well done effort showing Logan as the dynamic force he was: tireless advocate, skilled politician, influential Senator, Presidential contender and an intimate with this man's era of great personalities: Grant, Sherman, Lincoln and all the rest. A very good read, well researched.



2. If you're looking for biographical information on one of the most successful Union generals of the American Civil War, this is a great resource. If you're looking for information on the battles in which Logan participated, you definitely want to look elsewhere. Ecelbarger places Logan one mile away when the fighting broke out at Raymond, Mississippi, which is ludicrous. He also claims that Logan spontaneously ordered forward the Union line at Champion Hill, when in reality the assault that swept Champion Hill was carefully organized by Grant across the entire northern front (from Hovey to Stevenson).
   
   The decision to read this book should be based on the value of learning about Logan's life. Not only was he one of the most successful Generals of the war, he was the most conflicted, having spent the pre-war years fighting against what he viewed as a dangerous and foolish Republican agenda. The district that he represented in congress before the war was staunchly pro-southern, and many members of his family actually volunteered for and helped raise Confederate regiments from Southern Illinois. Logan, an observer at the First Battle of Bull Run, took a rifle from a fleeing soldier, and was immediately sold on the idea of fighting for the Union. When he returned home and announced his intention to raise a regiment for the Union, half of his family stopped speaking to him, including his own mother.
   
   Bottom line: buy this book for the rich biographical detail, and take the battle descriptions with a block of salt.



3. This is an objectively-written biography of one of the few successful political generals of the Civil War. Logan was a complex character, with some opportunistic, unattractive aspects to his personality. He was also intelligent, hard-working, and, in battle, brave and resourceful. The author does a good job describing his early life, Civil War career, and political life. Logan changed his views on several subjects during his public life, and the author explains these issues in depth. He also writes in an exciting yet accurate manner about Logan's battlefield performances. Family life played a large part in Logan's development, and this subject is not neglected. Worth the effort to read about a skilled officer and politician, who is not well-known to most of today's readers.



4. Abraham Lincoln had a lot of trouble finding generals. And his real problem was political generals, particularly Democrats who seemed to have both little capability as generals and who spent too much time as politicians. Burnside and McClellan come to mind.
   
   By far the most successful of the Democratic political generals was Black Jack Logan. A Congressman at the start of the war, he was one of those who went out with the Union army to watch them smash the Rebels at Bull Run/Manassas. Unlike the rest of the observing congressmen, he grabbed a rifle at the start of the battle and followed a Union unit into battle.
   
   Afterwards he entered the Union Army and by its end was a Major General in command of the Army of Tennessee. He was arguably the most competent of the volunteer generals, the political generals.
   
   After the war, he became a confidant of Grant and was supported by Grant for the presidency. Frederick Douglas was another supporter. All in all he was the odds on favorite to win the 1888 election but unexpectedly died.
   
   This is a very well written biography of one of the little known but most effective generals of the American Civil War.

2 comments about Becoming Winston Churchill: The Untold Story of Young Winston and his American Mentor.

1. I have been a student of Sir Winston Churchill my entire life. Long enough to consider myself a Churchill historian and serious collector of any and all items related to his life. My personal Churchill library is extensive and I am indeed proud to know Michael McMenamin, author of "Becoming Winston Churchill" and to add his book to my library! Michael has done an outstanding job sharing with us the important influence that Mr. Bourke Cockran had on Winston as he formed his personal and political beliefs early in his life. He obviously was regarded a close personal friend, mentor and perhaps even as a respected father figure. I recommend this book highly! Donald E. Jakeway



2. for people really interested in the only mentor churchill ever had this book is a must have

5 comments about Mo: The Life and Times of Morris K. Udall.

1. Morris King Udall was one of the great Democrats of the 20th century. After reading this book, you will see why - and you will also regard "Mo" as one of the greatest legislators of the last century. Rep. Udall certainly was one of the most complicated.
   
   The strength of this book rests in the writing style as the authors present a human portrait of a legendary politician who is model public servant. The writing is tight and the story is brisk. The book is a solid work that covers all the facts in Udall's public and private lives - warts and all. It is a perfect blend of personality and public policy as the book discusses Udall's towering legislative achievements regarding environmental protection and Native American rights, his legendary and futile White House run, all the while describing the price his career cost his family and, with heart-breaking impact, the toll Parkinson's Disease took on the legendary Arizonan and his unrelenting battle against the illness.
   
   By the end of the book, regardless of political persuasion, you will regret that there are no more Mo Udalls in public life today. And, you may lament, as I did, that Morris Udall never achieved his dream of serving as President of the United States.



2. Every student of U.S. politics or Arizona history should read this book. Carson and Johnson thoroughly and brilliantly chronicle the life of a man who profoundly influenced the course of America in ways that politicians of greater renown never did. The authors reveal how Mo Udall could champion the most liberal causes and yet gain the respect of someone as conservative as Barry Goldwater. Read this book and you'll wonder what turns America might have taken had Udall fulfilled his dream of becoming president.



3. Its amazing how quickly we forget our leaders. After serving 31 years in Congress, running one of the most likeable Presidential campaigns in history, and nearly getting elected majority leader of the U.S. House of Represenatives, Democrat Morris Udall's political career was cruelly and tragically brought to a halt by Parkinson's disease. Once famed as perhaps the wittiest man in Congress (as well as one of the most effective), Udall died seven years after his retirement -- his sterling wit permanently silenced as the disease robbed him of his ability to speak. Most tragically, this man who -- with his brother Stewart -- co-founded both the current conservation movement and America's first Mormon political clan, died a forgotten figure, remembered only by a few political junkies like myself. Fortunately, however, Donald Carson and James Johnson have produced a wonderfully engaging biography of this man that gives us a warts-and-all portrait of a remarkable public servant. While giving ample reason why the man was so beloved, they also don't flinch from revealing why Morris Udall ultimately remained a mystery to even his own family. Unlike other political biographies, this book neither sets out to debunk or canonize Rep. Udall but instead stands as a sharp portrait of a complex man whose public service -- whether you agreed with his liberal politics or not (I certainly don't) -- made this country a better place.

   Written in a breezy, conversational tone that still manages to maintain a proper biographical distance, Mo follows Udall from his strict Mormon childhood in Arizona to his first election to the U.S. House. While a great deal of the book focuses on Udall's legislative achievements -- Udall was an environmentalist before it become trendy -- the best of the early chapters deal with Udall as a liberal upstart setting out to reform the stodgy House. As Udall himself would often wryly point out, his political life was often a bizarre tragic comedy of second-place finishes that ultimately became victories for others. Both of Udall's insurgent campaigns for both Speaker and Majority Leader ended in failure but sparked the revolution that overthrew (however briefly) the Congressional seniority system. The book's highlight is the detailing of Udall's 1976 campaign for the Democratic Presidential nomination where he managed to finish second in a record number of primaries without ever once finishing first. If Udall didn't set the electorate on fire, he did distinguish himself by revealing himself to be one of the most genuinely witty Presidential wanna-bes to ever pop up on a primary ballot (or, as one columnist put it, "Is Morris Udall to funny to be President?" That's the 70s talking. As of late, some genuine and intentional humor in American politics would be a bit of a relief, I'd think.) The campaign made Udall famous for his wit but as this biography reveals, that wit often concealed a rather distant temperment that so focused on work that even his own children grew up calling him "Mo." As a politician, Udall was that rare thing -- an honest and sincere compassionate liberal who actually saw big government as a way to help the downtrodden. Yet this same man who dedicated his life to helping strangers drove one wife to divorce and another to alcoholism and suicide. The dichotomy makes for a fascinating read and Carson and Johnson explore these issues without ever descending into lurid muckracking. The book concludes with a touching (and quite frankly heartbreaking) section dealing with Udall's final, brave, and tragic battle with Parkinson's Disease (which, as I read it, was also sadly reminicent of Ronald Reagan's -- another politician never given the respect that was his due -- current battle with Alzheimer's; another nefarious disease that, like Parkinson's, cruelly robs men and women of their dignity without reason or warning.)

   Despite the fact that, politically, I'm probably about as far to the right as the late Congressman Morris Udall was to the left, I still find myself mourning the comically tragic failure of his 1976 campaign for the Democratic Presidential nomination. As the election was the first post-Watergate election and the Republican Party was going through one of its periodic near-deaths, the election of a Democrat was pretty much assured. All Udall had to do was win the nomination and, for four years at least, a one-eyed, 6'5, former probasketball player and nonpracticing Mormon named Mo Udall would have been President. Of course, the nomination didn't go to Udall but instead went to the far less witty Jimmy Carter. Considering the way the world was in the late 70s, its doubtful Udall would have had any a better time of it than Carter but instead of hearing that America's problems were due to "malaise," a President Udall would at least find time to tell at least one corny, Ayatollah joke. And, even if the voters didn't realize it at the time, America would have been better off for that joke. Just as its now better off to have this book to remember Morris Udall by.




4. This meticulously researched and scholastically outstanding biography of Morris Udall follows his life and political times, focussing on his career, his 30-year congressional history, and his radical challenges to seniority systems. Recommended for anyone studying contemporary American politics in general and House/Senate politics in particular, Mo is a "must" for the legions of Mo Udall supporters and admirers.



5. The authors do a masterful job in telling the story of one of America's most valuable public servants during the 2nd half of the 20th century.

   The authors, two gifted journalists and writers chronicle the good, bad, ugly, and the excellent parts of Mo Udall's extraordinary career in congress.

   And (a terrific plus) this is a very readable book. I love reading authors who can tell a complex story using simple everyday English -- the kind they use with thier friends. This is real nitty-gritty history -- documentation, footnotes, and all -- but the story reads fun and easy. I highly recommend it.

   Jay Rochlin

4 comments about Princes of Ireland, Planters of Maryland: A Carroll Saga, 1500-1782.

1. This is perhaps the most pleasurable "academic" history I have come across. Although it provides an extensive account of life in the Chesapeake through the lives and business dealings - and there are plenty of those enumerated - of the tenacious Carroll family, I was also struck by Ronald Hoffman's major theme of family continuity, of purpose driven by recollection and ambition that the Carrolls had in spades. The very tightly researched accounts of the family history in Ireland, and of all the other families like them in the chaos of the 17th century, is little short of astonishing. I'll admit to an enduring interest in Irish history, but this one illustrates why Carrolls and others left their broken aristocracy. That continuity touches on my own forebearers, one of whom was a first cousin of Charles Carroll of Carrollton's. She married another Irish immigrant Marylander and set out in 1796 to populate the then frontier in Kentucky with other Catholics, I am sure at direction of one of their neighbors in Upper Marlborough, MD, Fr. John Carroll, first Catholic bishop in America and also Charles' first cousin. A great read on many levels.



2. Traditional patriotism demands that we believe that the founding fathers of America were all great democratic idealist. Although this may have been true for some, many others had no problem with the idea of an elite ruling class, so long as they were considered the elite. Thus the victory over England can be viewed as less of an American Democratic Revolution and more of a power transition from the English crown to the new American aristocracy.
   
   A primary example of this American elite class was Maryland representative Charles Carroll of Carrollton. A signer of the American Declaration of Independence, Charles of Carrollton was a wealthy planter and businessman who became such not by his own doings but primarily through the inheritance and molding of his father, Charles Carroll of Annapolis. Ever mindful of his Irish and Catholic roots and the persecution therein by English aristocrats, the elder Charles did everything in his power to equip his son to fend off those who would attempt to cripple him politically and economically. In so doing, the elder Charles created a mindset of elitism within his son.
   
   This irony is highlighted by Ronald Hoffman in his book, "Princes of Ireland, Planters of Europe," in which he examines the Carroll family and traces how a persecuted family from Ireland in 1500 came to be one of the prominent families in America by the time of the American Revolution



3. Ronald Hoffman is an excellent historian who has brought great knowledge of Chesapeake social and cultural history to this biographical work that places three generations of the Carroll family within their colonial context. It is a wonderful biography that gets the reader into the minds and lives of these three Charles Carroll's. But for me the best thing was the number of times it made me think, "Oh, that's how it was." I have read enough colonial history to know that there were lots of tenant laborers and not just slaves in the region, to know that Catholic Maryland quickly became Anglican Maryland, and to know that the Revolution was not just about ideas but also about social change. Ronald Hoffman's narrative, however, really brings these facts home. His book is not about any one of these issues in particular, but in telling the story of three generations of Carroll's in Maryland he brings home the greater circumstances of the colony better than many historians who have set out to make a case for one of the above arguments, or many of the other fascinating takes on early Chesapeake society contained in this highly readable book. I have not read any book lately that I enjoyed more.



4. I was originally attracted to this book out of a simple curiosity about the last surviving signer of the Declaration of Independence (Charles Carroll outlived Adams and Jefferson by about six years, or about 56 years after 1776!). On a deeper level, I hoped to learn more about the kind of early capitalist that would be attracted to signing on to the American Revolution in general. What this book helped me discover was a family that had over time become focused, almost obsessed, with making a buck under fairly adverse circumstances (namely, continuing in their Roman Catholic faith that made it difficult for them to thrive, even in an enclave as seemingly sympathetic as colonial Maryland, with its relatively large Catholic population). But when the time came for this family to rise above its simple wealth building and to champion the cause of the Revolution, it did indeed rise to the occasion, however brief and painful the process might be. (Hoffman attends to both the private and public lives of the Carrolls.) The history of the Carrolls is a part of the history of the magic that was the American Revolution. It is not surprising that the book ends abruptly with the death of Charles Carroll's father and his wife, about 10 days apart from one another in 1782 (though there is a brief summing up of Carroll's remaining 50 years and the attention attracted by his death in 1832). The story is told, the dynasty pretty much complete.

   What's the book like? At times it seems downright willfully prosaic, and the story proceeds much like a carefully written doctoral dissertation - all conclusions fully supported and made in as logical a context as possible, all contentions politically correct for our time. Hoffman's goal is of course to be scholarly and thorough, not to be entertaining or controversial. Thus the sweep of this history must emerge and coalesce in the mind of the reader. Leave being beaten over the head with the broader conclusions inherent in the narrative to more popularly written histories.

   Suffice it to say, if you're a municipal library and you need to beef up your Revolutionary War material, this is a prime buy. If you're a true history buff, this would be an excellent choice to work into your reading list. It has the effect of immersing you into the spirit of the times and providing you with detail you could not have imagined you would find interesting (but you do). If you're a casual reader, just be advised - this is heavy stuff. It's not an easy read, but it is ultimately a rewarding one.

5 comments about Inside: A Public and Private Life.

1. I heard Mr. Califano on the radio plugging his book and eagerly sought it out. To me, a disappointment. The merits of his accomplishment - and they are many - aside, the book struck me as just a bit too self serving. It may be my frame of reference - I tend to be more middle of the road, he a bit more liberal. And as in the commercial, "Where's the beef" I'm not certain that all the programs he initiated and helped found have stood the test of time. The Great Society, for example, is far from achieving the wonderfully lofty goals it proclaimed. But perhaps I quibble.
   
   Of very great concern to me, however is his profession of faith and how he sensed that it "guided" him so often in his career and personal life. His explanation of his annulment in the Catholic church and how it could not be considered a "Catholic divorce" left me more than a little puzzled. Words have a way of shaping reality and if nothing else, Mr. Califano is a master at that.
   
   His is, I believe, very good view from a participant in history - the Nixon section was to my way of thinking fair and balance. But overall, the book to me was a let down.



2. Obviously, 490 pages is not enough to cover a life of more than 70 years encyclopedically, but Joesph Califano's autobiography seems almost that thorough by the time the reader is finished. The memoir reads with an energy that carries the reader from Califano's upbringing, his Roman Catholic elementary and secondary education under the rubrics of the Baltimore Catechism, Holy Cross college and Harvard Law School, through private law practices, the administrations of Presidents Kennedy, Johnson, and Carter, two marriages, cancer treatments, and the establishment of the National Center on Addition and Substance Abuse. That all of this fits into one volume, along with some significant reflection, is impressive. That it all is the true story of one person's life, is inspiring.
   
   As a progressive protestant, I do wish Califano had engaged in more critical reflection on his Roman Catholic faith, seeing his questions as seeds for growth in understanding. Perhaps unfortunately, he tends to view his questions as doubts overcome, with his traditional faith reinforced. But his traditional faith has made many lives better in this country so the disappointment is largely outweighed by admiration. As a spiritual autobiography, using the framework of James Fowler's seminal Stages of Faith, Califano might very well stand in stage 3 where many great leaders and servants have stood.
   
   This book is a substantive undertaking for the reader, but they will most certainly feel rewarded at the completion of this memoir of a great American.



3. I have immensely enjoyed reading Mr. Califano's memoir. He is quite candid in his assessments, even when his candor doesn't reflect well on him or his decisions taken while in public service. (A lot more candor from today's public officials would be most welcome.) Most Americans will not have a clue about the almost Zelig-like presence of Mr. Califano when important policy decisions were being formulated beginning with the Johnson administration and continuing through the Carter years. This book should be recommended reading for all those studying Public Administration and for any person interested in understanding the ways of the Federal government. Bravo!



4. Inside is the most interesting memoir that I have read in many years. I strongly encourage anyone who is interested in how to do the right thing while under tremendous pressure to do the opposite to study this book. I also recommend giving this book as a gift to young people who want to pursue professional and public lives, as a study from which they can learn much. If you are a Democrat, you will be especially interested in the inner workings of how many critical events occurred. If you are not a Democrat, you will be fascinated by the misdeeds of some Democrats while they were in office. If you are skeptical of government power, you will find lots of examples of unwarranted abuse. If you like juicy stories that you haven't heard before, you will find this book full of them.

   Most people today have no idea who Joe Califano is of why he is important to American history. But if you tell people that he was legal counsel to the Army under Cyrus Vance and Robert McNamara, personal assistant to McNamara while he was Secretary of Defense, ran President Johnson's campaign to develop the social changes incorporated in the Great Society (including the elimination of government-sponsored racial discrimination), and was Secretary of HEW for President Carter (where he took ending discrimination much further, added important health reforms such as taking on smoking and began reforming the way HEW was administered), it's impressive. But there's more. He was also counsel to the Washington Post during the Watergate investigation and ended up being involved in both President Nixon's resignation and that of Vice President Agnew. His private clients have included many of the most important companies in the country. His law partner was Edward Bennett Williams, perhaps the most famous litigator of his generation.

   But that's all beside the point, to me. Mr. Califano is of most significance for his candor in explaining his religious faith and how he has tried to follow it while walking the corridors of power and pursuing a challenging private life. It hasn't been easy, and he hasn't always done what he later felt to be the right thing. But he tells you where he thinks he did right . . . and where he went wrong. Other legendary insiders (like Justice Fortas and Clark Clifford) ended up their careers with a cloud over them. Mr. Califano seems to have avoided that path by increasingly taking up the challenges of public service in a disinterested, pro bono way. His latest focus is on a private foundation to help locate and eliminate the causes of addiction. I thought that the lessons he shared are important and timeless ones for us all.

   Although the book is long, the prose is spare. He only provides enough information so you get the main point. He's lived through enough important events to fill 10 lives . . . and he seems to keep it all in perspective.

   As a person who also graduated from Harvard Law School and found corporate law in a law firm to be less than thrilling, I appreciated his candor about the appeal of taking on challenges where you can make a difference in the world.

   As President Kennedy said, "Ask not what your country can do for you. Ask what you can do for your country." Clearly, Mr. Califano has met that standard.




5. What is it to be a Washington insider? Consider this quote ': "? no legal fee can be too high for a large corporation with billions at stake on a phrase in the law ?" Meet Joe Califano: simultaneously General Counsel to the Democratic National Convention and Outside Counsel to the Washington Post during Watergate; and the reason you can't smoke in public.

   Joe Califano's career as a Washington insider began as a member of the Kennedy administration and continues to this day as that most celebrated but shadowy of creatures, the Washington insider. His book is a very personal account, easily read, of a man who has exercised power and enjoyed himself doing it. His is a quintessentially American not-quite-rags to riches story, the result of hard work and dedication. A heroic figure to many (and quite pleased with himself), Joe Califano is also a card carrying member of the society of arch devils who comprised Liberal America in its pre-Reagan heyday.

   Raised by a devout family, in a devout milieu, Califano attributes much of his social consciousness to his strict Catholic upbringing; Catholicism takes up a good part of the beginning of the book and a very large part of all of Califano's life; repeatedly woven into the story are the strength his faith gave him and the wrenching conflicts it forced him to face.

   Switching from the reflexively anti-communistic Republicanism of his family, and while working for Republican Tom Dewey's law firm, Joe's policy instincts were first evident in his early support for Jack Kennedy. Supporting JFK in debates at New York City's Reform Democratic Clubs, he recalls "In all my debates, I was never able to capture a single vote for Kennedy". Which led directly to his becoming one of McNamara's "whiz kids" in the new administration, the springboard for all that followed.

   He describes a level of intensity and excitement in his first days, in the depths of the Cold War, akin to what was ascribed to the early members of the New Deal administration: idealism, energy, commitment and controversy. A sample of the issues he faced:

   - Reforming the military administration at the Pentagon
   - Army protection of civil rights and enforcement of desegregation as Army Chief Cyrus Vance's special assistant
   - Bay of Pigs, Cuban Missile Crisis, Fidel Assassination plots
   - Kennedy burial duties
   - Lawyer before an international tribunal on riots in Panama Canal Zone

   At first reluctant to work for Lyndon Johnson after Kennedy's assassination, he came to admire the man's programs and the man himself; because of his intelligence, because of his abilities as a politician, and because Califano passionately believed in The Great Society programs which he was eventually to run as Johnson's domestic policy advisor. If a mentor is someone whose influence is evident throughout later life, Johnson was Califano's mentor. Califano's role working with Johnson was central to the making of who Califano later became; all else was prologue or epilogue.

   Hate it or love it, Califano was the at the center of the greatest domestic legislative storm of our generation. He loved it: "? to me the public legacy of those years was nothing short of a revolution that saved the Nation ?"

   Following the 1968 Democratic Convention fiasco (the Chicago 7, Abbey Hoffman, et al) and Nixon's election, all the strains imposed by Lyndon Johnson's divisive social activism and the unpopular war in Vietnam threatened to rip the Democratic Party apart despite its continuing dominance of Congress.

   The 1972 Democratic Presidential nominating convention was a huge fight with McGovern's anti-war politics vs. Richard Daley's machine politics. These days, the convention is just a party but then it actually chose the candidate and a terrible battle ensued. Just as the Democratic Party seemed to be slipping into its grave, Califano filed a little-noticed lawsuit resulting from a little-noticed break-in at the DNC headquarters which would ultimately result in stoking the fires further but which probably saved the party from destruction, giving it a role as loyally opposed to governmental abuse.

   When Jimmy Carter became president, he named Califano to head the sprawling Department of Health, Education and Welfare (HEW) where many of LBJ's Great Society programs were located. It had gotten a well-deserved reputation for waste and incompetence and Califano saw it as an opportunity to strike another blow for "his" programs. Califano is openly contemptuous of Carter's na?vet? and felt that success was impossible as a result. Obsessed with detail and not open to compromise, Carter contrasted very unfavorably with LBJ's great skill as a domestic politician.

   Some of the issues facing HEW Secretary Califano:

   - Handicapped access
   - Title IX collegiate women's sports
   - Federally-funded abortions
   - Sterilization
   - Recombinant DNA
   - Fetal Research
   - Hospice

   Califano's greatest contribution and his ultimate demise was his anti-smoking campaign. Commonplace today, no-smoking areas were both unusual and highly controversial then.

   Califano's differences with Carter and his inner circle led to Califano's resignation in 1979. Carter was looking forward to the 1980 election and he desperately needed the tobacco interests in the South which Califano had alienated.
   
   Califano has been out of the limelight for decades and he describes his displeasure with this state of affairs. He's been making money, doing and repaying favors, getting remarried to a rich socialite; all of which he describes with a style that makes you feel you know him. His restlessness led him finally to retire from the practice of law and devote all of his energies to founding and running the National Center on Addiction and Substance Abuse at Columbia University. He describes his various encounters with the evils of addition, and he has decided to devote his considerable energy and resources to fighting it.

   Apparently, the Secretary of Health, etc. neglected ever to get a colonoscopy and in 1993 he had bloody stool and now he has a considerably less lengthy colon. Almost immediately thereafter, he also discovered rather advanced prostate cancer. Ten years later, he seems still to be going strong and whatever difficulties he now faces because of his physical problems, they have not impaired his ability to write an interesting book about his exceptional life.

No comments about A Journey Through the Cold War: A Memoir of Containment and Coexistence.

No comments about Cesar Chavez: A Brief Biography with Documents (The Bedford Series in History and Culture).

5 comments about Governor Reagan His Rise To Power.

1. Having not known Lou Cannon from a can of paint prior to reading this book, I had no idea that he was a left-leaning journalist. That became more clear as I read but I didn't think Cannon allowed his political leanings to impact his writing in the first of these two books. The second, I thought was a bit unfair at times, but the first was even handed.
   
   I really enjoyed the completeness of the first book. It covered Reagan's early life completely. I didn't know the details of his governorship, nor did I know about his involvement in the SAG and the republican party prior to 1976.
   
   Cannon appears to be the right guy to tell this story. He followed Reagan for many years and had a firsthand account of what went on. I would recommend the series first because it is complete and second because I think Cannon's analysis is pretty fair, especially in the first book.
   
   Reagan was a stud as a governor. I liked the way he handled the war protestors. I'm not as impressed with his environmental record but it appears that he tried to do the right thing - or at least what he thought was the right thing - most of the time and that counts for a lot in my book.



2. Cannon has made somewhat of a career out of covering Ronald Reagan in California and Washington, DC as he ascended from "citizen-politician" to Governor and then to President. This volume provides a brief biography of the citizen years, then covers the 8 years of Reagan's two terms in Sacramento (1967-1974).
   
   Written (and read) in hindsight, it is hard to separate the President to come from the governor who was, but Cannon does an excellent job of conveying the politics and progress of Reagan in his terms. Reagan had already started making the transition from acting to politics many years before, through his stints in leadership of the Screen Actor's Guild, his years working as a spokesman for General Electric, his years hosting the "General Electric Theatre" television program, and his time stumping for the Goldwater campaign in 1964.
   
   While Reagan gave a widely-praised and nationally-televised speech in support of Goldwater, the magnitude of the Goldwater defeat scarred Reagan with the same brush, and this "reactionary" label combined with his "citizen-politician" naivety contributed to the beginning of a pattern of underestimation by his political opponents. In fact, writes Cannon, Reagan was successful at being underestimated so often because he worked so hard at it as a political strategy (and one that stood him in good stead throughout his career).
   
   Reagan's terms as governor proved a valuable learning ground for Reagan, and honed his skills and exposed his weaknesses that would later be splashed large on the national stage. He learned quickly, but tended to latch on to insignificant or misplaced facts and statistics. He could learn and perform from a "script" quickly and adeptly, but could overreach when speaking off-the-cuff. He wanted to answer every question from reporters and opponents, but didn't always have the depth or breadth of knowledge to recognize when he was out of his element. He knew when to delegate, but sometimes over-delegated or failed to provide guidance or follow-up.
   
   Politically, he was of course conservative, but surprisingly willing to reach practical compromises. He was unswervingly optimistic and trusting (he relied on Nancy for more clear-eyed assessments of those around him). While he mangled the "trees are the worst polluters" idea and was branded an anti-environmentalist, his record as governor was surprisingly strong in practical environmental actions. While a fiscal conservative, he passed the largest (at the time) state tax in crease in California history. Considered an ideologue, he worked with Democrats in the California legislature (notably Jess Unruh and Bob Moretti) to pass difficult but necessary legislation on taxes, welfare reform, natural resources, and education. Moretti, an avowed enemy who remained at odds politically with Reagan, nevertheless said
   
   ' . . . he had a philosophy that he was willing to pursue, that he was willing to enunciate, that he was willing to attempt to push. And . . . he's a strong personality. . . . Leaders are people who are willing to take positions and stand up and fight for those positions. [Reagan] had an enduring desire to accomplish something, to leave something behind that really improved things.'
   
   Moretti's conclusion: Reagan "was a good governor ('better than Pat Brown, miles, and planets, and universes better than Jerry Brown'). (p. 366-367).
   
   In short, Ronald Reagan became a more than capable governor, and better, a leader with convictions and courage:
   
   "It was often said of Reagan, from his first campaign to his last, that he was an actor who knew how to deliver his lines. This was true, but Reagan also was an experienced politician with convictions and a plan of action that he believed would rescue a nation in need of leadership." (p. 503).
   
   Governor Reagan prepared President Reagan for a role of a lifetime.
   
   President Reagan The Role Of A Lifetime
   
   Note:
   
   I never read other reviews before I have written my own, and I was surprised to find that some reviewers down-rated this book because of Cannon's corrections to factual misstatements that Reagan made at different times in his career. Some reviewers felt this was unnecessarily biased against Reagan and damaging to the value of Cannon's book. I also noticed that many of the reviewers stated their political position, and that those who disliked Cannon's corrections of Reagan were typically conservative.
   
   I am politically conservative, voted for Reagan for President both times, was there on the Capital grounds that memorable Inauguration Day 1981 when the hostages were released, and believe that Ronald Reagan is the equal of either Roosevelt in the pantheon of great Presidents, just below the pinnacle of Lincoln and Washington. But that said, I do not believe that Cannon's corrections of Reagan detract from the book. Sure, all politicians stretch and bend statistics and "misremember" facts to suit their purposes, so one could defend Reagan against Cannon's finger-pointing by saying that "all politicians do it." But Cannon's calling out Reagan's biggest gaffes is fair in the hindsight of his Presidential terms because this was a consistent problem through Reagan's career for which he was justly criticized. Even a strong supporter like myself must admit it was Ronald Reagan's biggest weakness.
   
   Now, as I said at the top of my review, it is hard to separate the governor's actions (and faults) from the President's yet to come, and it would be unfair to criticize Governor Reagan for statements and situations to come later. But I don't feel that Cannon does this either explicitly or implicitly through any politically-driven motivation.
   
   After further review, the review stands as called.



3. Lou Cannon is the dean of books on Ronald Reagan. Having followed Reagan's career from the very beginning, Cannon has the insight and first hand knowledge of California politics to make this book very good.



4. This is a good start to anyone interested in how Ronald Reagan started his run for presidency. This runs through the governor years and ends with Reagan being elected to the presidency. The writing is decent but tends to drag in some places. Overall though if you are interested in Reagan or California history this is a great start to that history.



5. Lou Cannon was a reporter for the San Jose Mercury-News and covered Reagan's eight years as governor in Sacramento. As a result, this book is based on many personal interviews with Reagan and his staff, detailed research, and several other published works on Reagan's early life.
   
   Cannon used an interesting approach in organizing the book with each chapter describing titled with one word that describes a "role" that Reagan played at that time in his life, such as Announcer, Actor, Conservative, Pragmatist, etc. He describes Reagan's youth and early career in the Midwest, narrates how he came to Hollywood, analyzes his films, and discusses his work with the Screen Actors Guild. He shows how Reagan's work with General Electric Theater was a key turning point for him to move into politicsl. In summary, he understands Reagan's character, motivation, and goals, which is no small feat, given Reagan's very private nature.
   
   Cannon is very fair in assessing Reagan, not taking political sides in the controversies of the day. He lays out Reagan's vision, as well as the pragmatic compromises that he was forced to make in the governorship. The book describes Reagan's six-year campaign for the his first presidential nomination in 1980 and ends with his electoral victory in 1980.
   
   The many stories and anecdotes told by Reagan make this book well worth reading, and Cannon's writing is highly interesting as well. Highly recommended.
   
   Be warned that Cannon's companion volume President Reagan: Role of a Lifetime is a much different and much lower-quality book. See my review of that book on its page.