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5 comments about Veil: Modesty, Privacy and Resistance (Dress, Body, Culture).

1. I had to read this book for an anthropoly class, and I must say that it is the worst book that I have ever read. There are over 100 sources, and the author qoutes all of them in an unjointed and disinteresting way. I would agree that there is a lot of information contained in the book, but overall, it isn't worth the time or effort to read. There are better sources available that can give a better and more clear insight about the veil.



2. Fadwa El Guindi's work on the practice of veiling in Islam seems more like an in depth study of Arabic etymology than a comprehensive overview of the practice of veiling. El Guindi's book promises to chronicle the use of the veil while simultaneously dispelling "Western" myths about the practice of and ideology behind veiling. Unfortunately, her work relies too heavily on citations and becomes bogged down in trying to refute all other scholarly theories about veiling; her message gets lost somewhere between the tenth and twentieth assertion that past ethnographic studies of Islamic women and veiling are Euro- and ethnocentric. Although her idea of studying purely the practice of veiling by means of an ethnographic as well as textual approach has a great deal of merit in its own right, the implementation is poor and the actual writing poorer.
   
   Guindi's overreaching purpose is twofold: to dispel the common, "Westernized" myths put forth by trained anthropologists, and to use a textual and ethnography-based approach to understand more holistically the practice, implications, and purposes of veiling in modern, early Islamic, and, to some extent, pre-Islamic times. Her premise is that all previous studies of the veil have been about women and not the veil per se, and her argument is that the veil is actually a source of power and in some cases a legitimization of partial female autonomy rather than one of seclusion and male-enforced oppression.
   
   The first section of the book deals primarily with Guindi's claim that Women's and Islamic Studies scholars are ethnocentric in their interpretation of veiling which Guindi attempts to support by exhaustively citing works on the subject of veiling and haram. She then proceeds to explain why nearly all of these scholarly theories are incomplete, biased, or both. Though Chapter 2 touches on the historical and pre-Islamic roots of veiling, the first 45 pages of Veil are dominated by a theory-heavy argument about bias. It is here that Guindi presents her method of studying the veil which she believes to be a more holistic, culturally and historically-minded approach. In a fresh, novel way, Guindi argues that anthropologists must consult textual sources as well as historical and ethnographic data in order to understand cultural issues, especially those that garner a great deal of emotional fervor, such as the practice of veiling. As such, the first quarter of the book is more a work of anthropological theory than a study or history of veiling practices.
   Guindi attempts to resolve this lack of actual discussion about the veil in Section 2. The primary basis for her argument in this section is the implicit premise that if a society has not created a word for a certain idea, then the idea does not, in fact, exist within the culture. A prime example of this is the concept of "privacy," or at least some sort of Westernized notion of "privacy." Guindi argues that since there is no actual Arabic term for the concept of "privacy," then it must necessarily not exist within Arabic culture. This form of argument is the most prevalent throughout Section 2, and leads one to believe that one is reading a piece on Arabic etymology rather than a treatise on women's dress in Islamic culture.
   
   However, Guindi does provide an interesting, though long-winded, history of the anthropological notion of dress, which gives illumination to the position from which she writes. It would seem natural that Guindi, having finally made clear her holistic approach to anthropology and having given a brief history of the anthropology of dress, would then proceed to the practice of veiling, which seems to be the subject of her book. Instead, one finds an entire chapter on the etymology of the Arabic root h-r-m. Nevertheless, by page 97, Guindi begins her argument about the role of veiling in not only women's but also men's social spheres. She argues that veiling initially indicated social class, provided a means for moving in and out of the holy states in the daily life of a Muslim, and established a definite social space for women and men alike, especially men of the Rashayda ethnicity.
   
   Guindi then moves to describing men's forms of veiling to in a way that is defensive of and apologetic for both men's and women's forms of veiling. Her focus on Berber and Rashayda men's veiling practices are an attempt to further her argument that wearing the veil is empowering and not oppressive or imposed. Her concrete examples for this assertion range from Muslim women in India "beating" their husbands with their veils in a ritual every year to women in Bahrain attaching keys to their headdresses. In Guindi's argument, the example of women "beating" their husbands with their veils is significant because now the same women use sticks rather than veils to ritually "beat" their husbands, and Guindi thus equates the veil with beating stick. Similarly, Guindi argues that the attachment of keys to headdresses in Bahrain is symbolic because the veil is supposed to represent oppression while the keys, which represent freedom and autonomy, are attached to the symbols of women's oppression.
   
   The next topic the book discusses is how the veil came to symbolize modesty and piety, especially when freely donned by college students in Egypt. Guindi argues that voluntary veiling and minimal public interaction between males and veiled females shows the power and prestige of the veil, especially when its wearer is modern and integrated into society. This Islamic, college-based movement is claimed to be the reason for an overall increase in Islamic, modest dress in Egypt after the 1970's, and thus Guindi champions the covering of women as a means of increasing women's power. Furthermore, she cites the Iranian revolution that followed the mandate that no women should wear the chador as an example of the symbolic investment of the Islamic moral code in the veil itself. This public desire to wear the veil, especially among women, is one of the main points of Guindi's contention that the veil is not oppressive, inherently evil, or imposed in any place, but rather is valued by both men and women for its ability to confer protection, modesty, and the preservation of the family reputation.
   
   Although examples, such as the Iranian Revolution, are present in the book, it seems that this is more a work about anthropological method and Arabic linguistics than it is a comprehensive review of veiling practices in Islamic culture. This criticism is supported by Guindi's spending an entire chapter on the etymology of the Arabic root h-r-m. Furthermore, the fact that she quotes other authors more than she presents her own interpretation, especially when discussing anthropological theory, gives the impression that the title of the book is a misnomer. Instead, the title An Anthropological View of Arabic Veiling Etymology seems more fitting than Veil: Modesty, Privacy and Resistance. Indeed, Guindi becomes bogged down in presenting a theory-heavy point of view and spends far too few pages discussing the actual implications of and drives to veil. Despite Guindi's methodological merit of presenting a non-ethnocentric picture of modern veiling, she fails to provide a comprehensive study. She seems to oppose any sort of Western theory about the veil as false merely because it is Western and not because of its ethnographic or scholarly flaws. In this sense, Guindi seems to beg the question of a purely ethnocentric point of view in all modern scholarship on the veil but does little to actually refute the arguments of such culturally positioned scholars.
   
   Furthermore, Guindi's evidence in favor of her own point of view, especially the reinstitution of the veil in Iranian Revolution, seems to not-so-deftly ignore the effects of forced veiling on women who oppose donning the veil. While championing Iranian women for reasserting their culture and using the veil in a positive manner, Guindi avoids discussing the cultural and even psychological effects of a forcibly imposed chador on women who dislike or oppose the idea of the veil. This is perhaps the largest gap in Guindi's argument, especially when she seems to casually dismiss the imposition of chador in Iran as universally accepted in Iranian culture with no significant opposition. Furthermore, Guindi dismisses "the hysterics in the Western media about women in Afghanistan" as culturally positioned (185). Yet there comes a point when the issue is no longer about "Western" indignation about the treatment of women, but rather about human indignation about the subjugation of humans. This forced veiling also occurs in Saudi Arabia and such a widespread practice cannot merely be ignored away.
   
   On a more aesthetic note, the writing in the book itself does not readily lend itself to being read. The convoluted nature of the theory-heavy, anthropological language and the prolific use of Arabic words and phrases would leave many language purists balking. Furthermore, the organization of the text is not only difficult to understand, but also quite choppy, jumping from one seemingly unrelated topic to another. This makes for a difficult time trying identify Guindi's argument and also frustrates anyone trying to read the book in a substantive way. Describing the organizing scheme as "topical" seems to be generous. Indeed, jumping from the history of veiling to the current ethnocentric bias in anthropological research can hardly be described as organized or planned in any way.
   
   Although Guindi's holistic anthropological method possesses great potential, the actual book she has produced is politically correct ad nauseum, and generally convoluted in both argument and syntax. Guindi's purpose of providing a comprehensive study of veiling becomes doomed in quicksand-like language and tedious anthropological theory. Her unequivocal championing of the veil is more biased than that of her "ethnocentric" colleagues, and, in this bias, Guindi commits the crime that she preaches against for the entire first section of the book.
   Finally, Guindi's failure to address the situation of women who are forced to veil against their will seriously undermines argument. Given the promise of Guindi's method, the study she produced is disappointing. This reviewer hopes that Guindi's future efforts will produce lucid, insightful works that reflect their anthropological worth.



3. This refreshing book presents the concept of veiling without falling in the stereotyping that it usually carries with it. The work seems very precise and impartial as well as conformant with academic anthropological practice. Unique in its genre, one cannot imagine an anthopology student specializing in the arabic or islamic society not reading it. The inside look of the author, as well as her scientific outlook, is pervasive throughout the book. The most important aspect to notice is the non-ethnocentric nature of the work, unlike many other books on the subject, as well as a shrewed analysis of the interplay of religion, social structure, local customs and historical evolution in arab women's dress. The bibliography is also extensive and points toward other interesting works, and many of the inline references are gems in themselves (for example the description of the veiling of the Kaabah ceremony is rather unknown and worth reading). The illustrations and photographs are very helpful in showing the diversity of anthropological concepts related to veiling and its various functions (proxemics, social status, religious statement, etc...). Definitely an excellent read unmatched so far in the subject matter it covers.



4. In this extensively researched book, Fadwa El Guindi offers new insight into Middle Eastern women's decision to adopt modest Muslim attire since the 1970s.
   
   The author presents historical and anthropological documentation of the phenomena of covering up -- which she explains is not solely practiced by women.
   
   The reader gains a perspective of how the veil has been used from prehistory as a form of privacy, protection and class status. El Guindi stresses there is no fast rule on who wears or does not wear the veil. She also rejects radical Western feminists' claims that the veil degrades women. Rather, she stresses, the veil is a woman's silent defiance against imported Western culture and colonialism as in Algeria and Palestine and unpopular regimes in much of the Arab world.



5. Unfortunately, we Americans have been taught a view of Arab and Muslim cultures that are slanted by power politics, religious parochialism, and petrodollars.
   
   In this definitive work, Dr. El Guindi presents the historic, religious, and cultural foundations for veiling clearly and succinctly. The best work on this subject, Dr. El Guindi has removed the layers of distortion and misconception in a way that is easily understandable to Westerners.
   
   This fascinating and highly readable work is a must for any serious student of Middle-Eastern cultures. It is also a very important tool for anyone who seeks a better understanding of our rapidly shrinking global community.
   
   I'd give this work more than five stars, if I could.
   
   Kari Sprowl, M.A.

1 comments about Medieval Fabrications: Dress, Textiles, Clothwork, and Other Cultural Imaginings (The New Middle Ages).

1. I should probably give this book a '5' because it IS good for what it is. But it put me to sleep before the end of the first chapter.... This is a textbook suitable for an upper-level university class in medieval studies. This is not for the casual reader! If you are interested in esoteric theories, new interpretations of medieval literature through an emphasis on dress studies, and a bit of heavy jargon--this is the book for you.
   
   [This book was recommended to me by Amazon.com because of other titles that I own in the area of historic textiles and dress. I'm afraid that this recommendation just highlights the drawbacks of an automated rating system.]

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1 comments about Tank Too.

1. The founders of the magazine "Tank" envisioned their publication as a gathering place for artistic imagery and ideas drawn from the fashion, architecture and design worlds alike: a uniquely visual magazine that would challenge and stretch the boundaries between these worlds. This second fathering of images from Tank covers four years worth of works and continues to excite and amaze by focusing on startling concepts grouped by theme. From ideas of elitism to etiquette and social mores, images of people and places juxtapose a range of approaches and provide colorful reflective images. University level art library reference collections must include a copy of Tank Too.

2 comments about Glamour Dolls of the 1950s and 1960s.

1. you should remove the review previous to this one. it is not a review but a message to the book's author from an acquaintance of his, which renders the five stars meaningless and provides no useful service to your customers.



2. Polly Judd -

   Mark Ozanick here. Hope to hear from you. It's been a long time. Have you heard from Doris Burgett?

   Mark

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3 comments about Heart and Sole: The Shoes of My Life.

1. When you can't get out to the mall and actually SHOP for shoes, you can get that same shoe-shopping FIX from Jane Eldershaw's book. It's every bit as cute as those red, kitten-heel, t-straps that you've been dreaming about. (If you don't know what that means, this book is NOT for you!)



2. After returning from a recent trip to LA, my husband commented on women's obsession with style and I had just purchased a pair of shoes that made me look much taller and thinner. Shoes can make you lose weight, I love it.
   
   Anyway, it was time to read this adorable book about shoes. I don't have as many shoes as I did in college although I tend to remember my life in some autobiographical way through the shoes I was wearing at the time. I remember the boots I wore in Paris and the sexy shoes with sparkly diamonds I wore for a special occasion.
   
   Jane Eldershaw seems to see life in a similar fashion. Heart and Sole is a lighthearted memoir that explores Jane's life through her shoe selections. She gives tips on how to judge a man by his choice of shoes and why there are only two types of women in the world.
   
   Jane Eldershaw is a writer and magazine illustrator who was born in Australia. Her writing style is original, playful and has a love for descriptive words to tease your mind. She has worked for New Woman and Vogue Australia. The book jacket hides a beautiful high-quality ruby covered and exquisitely bound book. Women who love well-made shoes will appreciate the style and quality of this tiny book. The book was also illustrated by Jane and I was especially amused by "toe decolletage." She has drawn pictures of her shoes, everything from her boots to her Italian Interlude when she wore shoes from Rome. She explores life choices after she wore her new cherry-red-spike-heeled ankle-straps with silver buckles.
   
   Jane also reveals interesting facts about Marilyn Monroe, Barbie dolls and how to find a shoe-inn for storage. Where do your shoes live? What is the heel called. I had no idea there was a "kitten" heel, but it is very common.
   
   I could easily become obsessed with shoes again and have been in the past, but lately I'm all about comfort and the shoes that are fancy are sure to only be worn for special occasions. This book reminded me of how fun it is to shop for shoes and I'm of course always on the look for pretty slippers for wearing while writing reviews. I did try on clear plastic shoe the other day and had to feel a bit sorry for Cinderella. Glass could not be overly comfortable although a girl can dream. I've stepped on broken glass and ruined a heel while almost tripping down steps, so that might be a sign.
   
   This delicious book made me fondly remember the Nordstrom of the past where men dressed in suits played Prince Charming and slipped slippers of all colors onto your feet. Where have those days gone? Jane explores the elements of a good shoe salesman and it is nothing like Married with Children. ;) It is a bit more like Sex and the City. My husband might want to read this book because he is a shoe guy. He has been known to give me advice on shoe selections. He hasn't seen what I bought for our anniversary. Hee, hee...
   
   Other unique features:
   
   Tips on How to Care for Shoes
   Discarding Your Past Personalities
   What a cobbler Can and Can't do!
   Feel-Good Fix-Ups for Fatigued Feet
   
   If you read one book on shoes in this lifetime this should be the book. Perfect for keeping in your matching purse for reading just about anywhere.
   
   ~The Rebecca Review



3. This is a very readable (and visual) light treat for both shoe-a-holics and those who can't resist the puns of sole fantasies.